logo
Bosnia-Herzegovina reforms a strategic necessity

Bosnia-Herzegovina reforms a strategic necessity

Arab News02-06-2025
https://arab.news/zzvjp
This year marks the 30th anniversary of the Dayton Agreement, a landmark accord that ended the Bosnian War of 1992-1995 and brought a fragile peace to Bosnia-Herzegovina. On this significant occasion, I had the privilege of hosting a panel of experts in Dayton, Ohio — where the agreement was originally signed — that was titled 'Next Steps After Dayton? Getting to Constitutional Reform in BiH,' referring to Bosnia-Herzegovina.
The panel, convened by the New Lines Institute, featured distinguished voices including former US Ambassador to Bosnia Michael Murphy; Ensar Eminovic, minister counselor at the Bosnia-Herzegovina Embassy in Washington; Dr. Miomir Zuzul, senior international policy adviser at Arnold & Porter; and Dr. Jasmin Mujanovic, author of the institute's recent report, 'Dayton Plus: A Policymaker's Guide to Constitutional Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina.' Together, we reflected on Dayton's legacy and the urgent need for reform to secure the country's future.
The Dayton Agreement was a monumental achievement, halting a devastating conflict that claimed countless lives and displaced millions. It established a complex constitutional framework under Annex IV, dividing Bosnia-Herzegovina into two entities — the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska — alongside the self-governing Brcko District. However, while Dayton brought peace, it also entrenched a governance structure that has proven to be a barrier to progress. The agreement's rigid ethnic power-sharing mechanisms, designed to balance the interests of Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats, have fostered dysfunction, discrimination and stagnation.
Today, Bosnia-Herzegovina's constitutional regime is a labyrinth of inefficiency. The tripartite presidency, entity vetoes and sectarian electoral rules exclude approximately 400,000 citizens — particularly those identifying as 'Others' (e.g., Jews, Roma or those who reject ethnic labels) — from meaningful political participation. The European Court of Human Rights has repeatedly struck down provisions of the constitution as discriminatory, a legal obligation the country is bound to address under its own laws, but progress remains stalled. This de facto constitutional crisis undermines Bosnia-Herzegovina's aspirations for EU and NATO membership, a goal that requires rational governance and accountability — outcomes the current system cannot deliver.
The demographic reality in Bosnia-Herzegovina underscores the urgent need for reform. Since the 2013 census, which recorded a population of 3.5 million, estimates suggest that number has plummeted to under 2 million due to mass emigration, particularly among the youth. In Republika Srpska, claims of a 1.4 million population may mask a reality closer to 800,000. This exodus reflects a lack of hope in a system that denies citizens a stake in their future, perpetuating corruption and ethnic division over shared prosperity.
Mujanovic outlined a clear case for reform. The current constitution promotes irrational governance, incentivizes sectarian maximalism and allows neighboring states to meddle in Bosnia-Herzegovina's affairs, heightening the risk of renewed conflict. Conversely, constitutional reform could foster accountable governance, ensure equal rights for all citizens and pave a credible path for Euro-Atlantic integration by 2040. The benefits are clear: a shift from zero-sum politics to a system that values individual rights over collective ethnic identities, reduces foreign interference and empowers Bosnia-Herzegovina to stand as a sovereign, democratic state.
While the Dayton Agreement brought peace, it also entrenched a governance structure that has proven to be a barrier to progress
Dr. Azeem Ibrahim
However, the path to reform is fraught with challenges. Political elites, entrenched in the status quo, resist change, fearing a loss of power. The Office of the High Representative, with its expansive Bonn Powers, has intervened in the past — most notably during the 2022 Bosnia-Herzegovina election — but such external impositions are not sustainable. True reform must come from within, supported by international partners like the US and the EU, which have historically expected irrational systems to yield rational outcomes. This flawed premise has led to repeated policy failures in Bosnia-Herzegovina, as our report notes, unless accompanied by sustained international pressure.
'Dayton Plus' proposes a model for limited constitutional reform that balances pragmatism with ambition. It suggests a single, non-ethnically designated president with ceremonial powers, elected through a two-round system to encourage moderate outcomes. Executive authority would shift to the Council of Ministers, with a redefined entity veto mechanism to prevent abuse.
Unicameral legislatures at all levels, caucus-based vital national interest protections and electoral reforms like ranked-choice voting aim to dismantle the winner-takes-all mentality. These changes would not overhaul Bosnia-Herzegovina's structure entirely but would normalize constitutional reform as a routine democratic process, building momentum for future progress.
Today, that reform is not just necessary — it is achievable. The original Dayton Agreement proved that, with political will, even the most intractable conflicts can be resolved. Today, the task of amending Bosnia-Herzegovina's constitution in line with European Court of Human Rights rulings is far less daunting than ending a war in 1995. What is needed now is the same determination, coupled with imagination, to chart a new course for Bosnia-Herzegovina.
As we look to the future, the Euro-Atlantic community must recommit to Bosnia-Herzegovina's stability. The Western Balkans remains a geopolitical flashpoint, with Russia and China exploiting governance weaknesses to sow discord. Constitutional reform in Bosnia-Herzegovina is not just a domestic imperative but a strategic necessity for regional security. By supporting it in this endeavor, the US and the EU can help complete the vision of a Europe whole and free — a vision Dayton began but cannot fulfill without change.
The 30th anniversary of Dayton is a moment to celebrate peace, but also to act. Bosnia-Herzegovina's citizens deserve a system that reflects their shared hopes, not their divided past. Let us work together to make that vision a reality.
*Dr. Azeem Ibrahim is the director of special initiatives at the Newlines Institute for Strategy and Policy in Washington, DC. X: @AzeemIbrahim
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Serbia rejects confirmation of Bosnian Serb leader's jail sentence
Serbia rejects confirmation of Bosnian Serb leader's jail sentence

Arab News

time02-08-2025

  • Arab News

Serbia rejects confirmation of Bosnian Serb leader's jail sentence

Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic said the court decision undermined security in the Balkan regionSpeaking after an emergency meeting of Serbia's National Security Council, Vucic said the rulings were 'a destabilising factor'BELGRADE: Serbia rejected on Saturday a Bosnian appeals court ruling upholding a prison sentence for Milorad Dodik, the leader of Bosnia's ethnic Serb entity, the Republika Srpska (RS).Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic said the court decision undermined security in the Balkan February, a court in the Bosnian capital, Sarajevo, sentenced Dodik to one year behind bars for defying rulings by the international envoy overseeing Bosnia's 1995 peace also banned Dodik, who has not so far been arrested, from holding office for six appeals court said on Friday it had upheld the lower court ruling and no further appeal was after an emergency meeting of Serbia's National Security Council, Vucic said the rulings were 'a destabilising factor.''The security situation in the region has been seriously undermined,' he the end of Bosnia's ethnic conflict in the 1990s, the country of 3.5 million has consisted of two autonomous halves — the Serb-dominated RS and a Muslim-Croat two are linked by weak central institutions, while each has its own government and has repeatedly threatened to pull the Serb statelet out of Bosnia's central institutions — including its army, judiciary and tax on Saturday asked whether Dodik would be arrested if a warrant were issued and he entered Serbian territory, Vucic said he would not.'All relevant state authorities are obliged to respect the decision of the National Security Council,' he said.'Milorad Dodik is welcome on the territory of the Republic of Serbia. He is the legitimately, legally elected president of Republika Srpska.'In its conclusions, which Vucic read out, the security council said the Bosnian appeal court ruling was undemocratic, immoral and 'a serious attack on the Serbian people of Bosnia and Herzegovina.''The political and security situation in the region has been seriously destabilized,' the council continued.'There is a tendency toward further deterioration and an incitement to ethnic conflict directly targeting the Serbian people,' it council 'urged all actors in the region to remain calm and approach the situation rationally'It added: 'Such acts directly undermine the constitutional order of Bosnia and Herzegovina, established by the Dayton peace agreement.'Vucic said Serbia would continue to insist on full respect for the 1995 Dayton accords and said the current situation was the most difficult for the country in many on X, Dodik thanked Vucic and the security council.'Serbia has always been committed to Republika Srpska and has never done anything against Bosnia and Herzegovina,' he conviction set off a crisis that many observers considered the worst since Bosnia's 1992-95 has rejected the trial and his conviction as 'political.'In response, the RS parliament passed a law prohibiting Bosnia's central police and judicial authorities from operating in the Serb constitutional court annulled those laws in May.

Turkiye's Balkans policy offers it a stronger role in Europe
Turkiye's Balkans policy offers it a stronger role in Europe

Arab News

time01-08-2025

  • Arab News

Turkiye's Balkans policy offers it a stronger role in Europe

When focusing on Turkiye's foreign policy, its role in the Middle East or its relationships with the EU and the US take the most attention. Although the Balkans has not been a priority in either Turkish policy debates or in public opinion, it has been strategically important for Turkiye throughout its modern history. Given its geopolitical significance, Turkiye maintains a calculated policy toward this region, maintaining a balanced relationship with all actors there. As part of this policy, Turkiye launched a new diplomatic initiative for the Balkans — the Balkan Peace Platform — which held its inaugural meeting in Istanbul last week. Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, who chaired the meeting, announced that the platform would convene informally every six months, with Istanbul serving as the host for the time being. The meeting brought together high-level officials from Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Serbia and Albania. The Turkish-led platform's aim is to promote dialogue in the region, whose stability and security is not only critical for Turkiye but also for Europe. The Balkans region connects Europe, the Middle East, the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. However, it has a long history of conflict and great powers have competing interests there. This complex past has even led to the emergence of the term 'Balkanization,' which refers to a region marked by conflict, fragmentation and persistent instability. Recalling the region's history of chronic instability, Fidan warned that 'missed opportunities' can lead to serious economic and security consequences, emphasizing the need for 'regional solutions to regional problems.' The Western Balkans is a region where Russia and the Western powers maintain a particular strategic interest. In this context, Turkiye neither positions itself as a counterbalance to Russia nor as an alternative to the EU or the US. Instead, it seeks to play the role of a stabilizing force. At the heart of Turkiye's Balkans policy is the long-standing Serbia-Kosovo dispute, which is one of Europe's most serious challenges. Kosovo declared independence from Serbia in 2008 and has since been recognized by several countries, including Turkiye. However, Belgrade has never accepted Kosovo's independence. Ankara, meanwhile, maintains strong diplomatic relations with both sides. In 2017, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan paid an official visit to Serbia, where he was received with an unprecedented level of warmth. With this visit, Turkiye placed the last piece in its Balkans puzzle. During its presidency of the South-East European Cooperation Process, Ankara also established the Turkiye-Bosnia-Serbia and Turkiye-Bosnia-Croatia tripartite dialogue mechanisms. These initiatives were part of its inclusive foreign policy approach in the Balkans. Maintaining good relations with all regional actors is key for protecting minority communities. This is a core principle of Turkiye's Balkans policy. Most importantly, Turkiye's Balkans policy closely aligns with broader Western goals. The Western Balkan states share aspirations to join both the EU and NATO and Ankara supports these goals. It has actively backed the accession of Albania, Croatia, Montenegro and North Macedonia to NATO and supports their official candidacy for EU membership. This support reflects Ankara's strategic aim of maintaining a strong presence in the region ahead of these countries joining the EU. The region connects Europe, the Middle East, the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. However, it has a long history of conflict. Dr. Sinem Cengiz Besides political support, Turkiye has free trade agreements with all of the Western Balkan states and is undertaking ambitious infrastructure projects, such as the construction of the Belgrade-Sarajevo motorway, which represents an ambitious Turkish investment at the heart of the Western Balkans. Improving infrastructure in the region is seen as a critical step toward supporting its integration into the EU. In addition, Turkiye is advancing its energy strategy in the region through new agreements. Most recently, it signed memorandums of energy cooperation with both Bulgaria and Romania. Turkiye also continues to assert itself as a security actor in the Balkans. It is already part of NATO's Kosovo Force, assuming the mission's command for the first time in 2023. Among the NATO member states and partner countries contributing to this mission, Turkiye holds the second-largest military contingent. In March, Turkiye took steps to ratify broad military framework agreements with Albania, Kosovo and North Macedonia, allowing it to deepen its defense cooperation with these countries. In May, military leaders from Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Greece, North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia and Montenegro gathered in Istanbul to reaffirm regional military cooperation, offering a rare display of unity. The timing of the meeting was particularly significant as the Balkan states are significantly affected by the ongoing war in Ukraine. They are divided in their ties with the US and Russia, having varying threat perceptions toward these global actors. For example, Albanians largely see the US and, to some extent, Turkiye as key allies. Bosnians also tend to pivot toward Turkiye as their key partner, while Serbia continues to align itself closely with Russia. This reflects the complex picture in the Balkans, where the US, Russia and Turkiye, as well as EU states, all wield influence. However, despite these rivalries, Turkiye's carefully balanced policy, supported by diplomacy, military and economic incentives, not only provides it with a unique opportunity to solidify its role in the Balkans, but it also increases its leverage in Europe. Most importantly, Turkiye's involvement in the Balkan security, political and economic architecture should be seen as an asset by the EU, and the broader West, because Ankara's pursuit of close ties with the Balkan states aims to complement and reinforce Europe's broader objectives for this region.

Appeals court in Bosnia confirms sentence for Bosnian Serb President Milorad Dodik
Appeals court in Bosnia confirms sentence for Bosnian Serb President Milorad Dodik

Al Arabiya

time01-08-2025

  • Al Arabiya

Appeals court in Bosnia confirms sentence for Bosnian Serb President Milorad Dodik

An appeals court in Bosnia-Herzegovina confirmed Friday an earlier court ruling that sentenced the pro-Russia Bosnian Serb president Milorad Dodik to one year in prison and banned him from politics for six years over his separatist actions as tensions mount in the fragile Balkan state. It is highly unlikely that Dodik will end up in prison anytime soon because he enjoys full support from neighboring Serbia who can provide shelter for him in Belgrade as well as Russian President Vladimir Putin who hosted him at least three times since the original court ruling in February. Dodik has repeatedly called for the separation of the Serb-run half of Bosnia to join Serbia which prompted the former US administration to impose sanctions against him and his allies. Dodik was also accused of corruption and pro-Russia policies. Dodik's separatist threats have stoked fears in Bosnia where a 1992-95 war erupted when the country's Serbs rebelled against independence from the former Yugoslavia and moved to form a ministate with the aim of uniting it with Serbia. About 100000 people were killed and millions were displaced. The US-sponsored Dayton Accords ended the war and created two regions in Bosnia Republika Srpska and the Bosniak-Croat Federation which were given wide autonomy but kept some joint institutions including the army top judiciary and tax administration. Bosnia also has a rotating three-member presidency made up of Bosniak Bosnian Serbs and Bosnian Croats. Dodik has repeatedly clashed with the top international envoy overseeing the peace Christian Schmidt and declared his decisions illegal in Republika Srpska. The Dayton peace agreement envisages that the high representative can impose decisions and change laws in the country.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store