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Can Democratic Socialists Seize the Moment?
Almost three months before Zohran Mamdani's earthquake of a victory in New York City's Democratic mayoral primary this summer, a substitute teacher and long-time union organizer named Alex Brower shocked Milwaukee City Hall by winning a special election for city council as a Democratic Socialist. Brower ran on highly specific local issues — namely, lowering utility bills by challenging the We Energies company in Milwaukee. Attending the biennial Democratic Socialists of America convention in Chicago last weekend, Brower, wearing a brown T-shirt with the words 'SOCIALIST PARTY' scrawled in big, unmissable letters, struggled to stop talking about local policymaking when we spoke in one the few quiet corners of the convention center. Every two years, delegates from each chapter of the organization gather to debate and vote on resolutions on DSA's priorities and elect a National Political Committee (NPC) to lead them. Brower, a Milwaukee-DSA delegate, laughed off the notion that traditional Democrats can replicate Mamdani's success — or his own — via savvy social media alone, rather than running on affordability and redistributive policies. 'People are very angry with the system right now,' Brower says. 'At DSA, we're leading by saying, 'OK, here's a material problem. Here's how DSA proposes to fix it.'' This year's convention comes at a watershed moment for DSA, two months after Mamdani's victory sent shockwaves across the political establishment — and precisely 10 years after Bernie Sanders did the same when he announced his presidential bid in June 2015, galvanizing a new generation of American leftists. Today, Mamdani can hardly record a man-on-the-street video without being interrupted by fans lining up for photos, while the rest of the Democratic Party holds its lowest approval rating in over 30 years and has been unable to cut through the noise. The stakes couldn't be higher for DSA to take advantage of the current political moment. President Donald Trump has wasted no time reshaping the country around corporate interests, signing a sweeping budget bill that threatens to force at least 17 million people off their health insurance while allocating over $170 billion to ICE and border enforcement. The midterms are on the horizon, and regaining control of Congress could be Democrats' best — perhaps even their last — chance at reining in this unabashedly authoritarian administration. With the momentum of Mamdani's victory, the existential threat of the second Trump era, and lingering reminders of where the organization fell short 10 years ago under Sanders' banner, there was a lot to discuss at the convention last weekend. Among the nearly 2,000 DSA delegates and leaders who convened, many arrived — and left — with disagreements about how best to seize the moment. But every DSA member I spoke to easily agreed on one thing: It's their moment to seize. Numerous delegates identified Brower's race as an example of what they want to see from the organization nationwide: a pipeline of Democratic Socialists in local government, a bench of candidates who can eventually, successfully run for mayor — or higher. In 2017, 15 DSA members were elected to state or local office, bringing the organization's total number of elected officials to 35. In 2025, over 250 DSA members hold elected office — 90 percent were elected after 2019, following Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez's upset victory the year before. As of this year, a third of Portland, Oregon's city council consists of DSA members. Like so many other members, Brower got involved with DSA a decade ago when Sanders entered the national scene. He tells me he knew he'd run for office someday the night Ocasio-Cortez won her primary. Brower may have 'some disagreements' with other DSA members or electeds under the DSA banner, but 'leaders like AOC, Rashida Tlaib, Cori Bush, Jamaal Bowman, Bernie, who have identified as Democratic Socialists in Congress, are an inspiration to all kinds of people to run for office.' They're the reason he and so many of the people gathered in Chicago — with their colorful array of keffiyahs and canvas tote bags, their comfortable shoes and curiously styled mustaches — were there at all. But there's a broad range of opinions about some of the Democratic Socialists who Brower name-dropped as role models, and the extent to which the organization should open its tent to as many elected officials and members as possible — or whether it should instead sharpen and potentially narrow its standards for membership. Kristian Hernandez, who formerly served on the NPC for four years and organizes in North Texas, says the sometimes highly public, highly messy disagreements within her organization don't alarm her: 'It's like with my family,' she explains. 'We're very, very passionate, we have a lot of political arguments.' Hernandez joined DSA in 2016, organizing for immigrant rights and eventually becoming a delegate for Sanders' presidential campaign. She was the one to convince large swaths of her initially pro-Hillary Clinton family to vote for Sanders. Navigating political disagreements — within either a large family or an organization attempting to build political power across the nation — can be messy: Last summer, NYC-DSA voted to endorse Ocasio-Cortez in her reelection bid. The national DSA, meanwhile, rescinded its endorsement, questioning the congresswoman's 'commitment to the movement for Palestine and our collective socialist project.' Some DSA members regarded Ocasio-Cortez's support for Joe Biden and then Kamala Harris that year as implicit support for the Biden-Harris administration's outsized role in funding and arming Israel's war on Gaza. Other DSA members see Ocasio-Cortez as a reliable ally and partner in governing, and one of a small number of Congress members who publicly call Israel's war on Gaza a genocide. At least one proposed resolution at the convention aimed to censure Ocasio-Cortez over certain votes and comments on Israel and Palestine. Last month, Ocasio-Cortez appeared to defend U.S. funding for Israel's Iron Dome as 'defensive' military aid to protect civilians. But critics argue that distinguishing between 'defensive' and 'offensive' military aid is meaningless, because funding the Iron Dome gives Israel the capacity to carry out its brutal occupation and war on Palestine without repercussions. Nonetheless, that resolution was placed distinctly low on the convention's deliberation agenda, ensuring no time for delegates to debate or vote on it, and leaving it — along with the rest of the remaining resolutions — to be decided by the NPC. 'We have this phrase in DSA,' Hernandez says, 'that we're somewhat building the plane as we're flying it. There will be messiness and contradictions.' Leftists aren't exactly known for civility in disagreement, though — especially online. DSA's internal culture is frequently the object of online jokes about, say, its quirky singles mixers, or its members addressing each other as 'comrade' in the year 2025. And a decade since Sanders' rise also marks a decade since the hotly debated caricature of the white, male 'Bernie Bro' as a stand-in for the average DSA member and leftist. In the liberal imagination, the 'Bernie Bro' is insensitive toward 'social issues' and 'identity politics,' blurring these in favor of a materialist, populist economic lens. Of course, many women and marginalized people vocally supported Sanders. And universal health care is more tangibly beneficial to most women's everyday lives than electing a woman who opposes universal health care. Still, the caricature endured. Megan Romer, who at the convention was elected to her second term as NPC co-chair after receiving the most first-place votes of any candidate, acknowledges about 70 percent of DSA's membership is male. But since June, DSA has highlighted the strikingly diverse coalition of voters who backed Mamdani — East and South Asian, Latine, Black, Arab, and Jewish communities and young voters decisively mobilized for him, where Sanders' presidential campaigns struggled with some of these demographics. 'There are some bro-y dudes around, because there are bro-y dudes around in society, and they also need affordable health care, affordable college,' Genevieve Rand, co-chair of DSA's Trans Rights and Bodily Autonomy Committee and a trans woman, tells me. 'But the slander that that's the only people who are here has been the opposite of my experience.' On the second day of the convention, I met leftist Twitch streamer Hasan Piker shortly before his stream that afternoon. Piker attended the convention as a 'DSA booster.' We talked for well over an hour about the organization and leftist politics and culture in this political moment. I asked him about the now-10-year-old concept of the 'Bernie Bro.' 'I'm the original Bernie Bro,' he jokes. Piker is one of few popular media figures who espouse progressive politics to a massive young male fan base. 'There are definitely white people in DSA and white people do sometimes have blind spots. But people like to hyper-focus on these sorts of things, because as a leftist, as a socialist, the expectations are significantly higher,' Piker says. He points to the dynamics between Democrats and Republicans and the massive gulf between what constitutes 'cancelable' offenses on both sides: 'The Democrat is expected to operate in a certain way, as opposed to how Republicans can do whatever the fuck they want. A similar dynamic exists between the left and Democrats, where, as a leftist or socialist, you're expected to behave in certain ways, where things that otherwise wouldn't be considered problematic can all of a sudden be used against you.' One example: 'I got canceled for buying a house,' he says, referring to criticism over the Los Angeles home he shares with his family. Despite popular portrayals of DSA members as unpleasant 'Bernie Bros' who despise each other, many delegates I spoke to say they joined DSA for radical politics, but stayed for community. Among demographics like young men, companionship seems increasingly crucial to staving off right-wing radicalization from the online manosphere. 'Solidarity has a similar feeling to the expression of love. It sounds kind of corny, but I feel much less lonely when I'm at a protest or alongside people in political movements,' Piker says. 'If you don't have any sort of love for other people around you, then you're not going to fight for or defend them.' But the methods of how best to fight for each other, how best to win for each other, are hotly contested across DSA. The American left has something of a reputation for struggling to organize internally, for being quick to cannibalize each other over what might seem like small disagreements. But some DSA leaders, like Colleen Johnston, an outgoing NPC member, think these narratives can be overblown: 'I think there's interest in portraying us that way, as always fighting, because then they don't have to talk about all the ways we're building power, our policies, our effective campaigns across the country.' To Ashik Siddique, now serving his third term as co-chair of the NPC, 'the important thing is we have strong discussions. DSA is a democracy, in a country where formal democracy is not very strong. In DSA, we vote on our positions, then move forward. Even when it feels messy, we get to a point where we have consensus.' 'Messy' is one word to describe certain scenes amid three days of hours-long, nonstop debate about DSA's future. Rose decor — balloons, hats, flyers, art — was everywhere in the convention hall, sprawled across walls, on tables, alongside snack spreads that included everything from granola bars and water bottles to Altoids and Zyns. And roses, which feature prominently in DSA's logo, come with thorns; they're a package deal. Early Friday, Tlaib walked onstage to a standing ovation and thunderous applause to deliver her keynote address. If DSA members hold mixed opinions about some Democratic Socialist politicians, their adoration for the first Palestinian-American member of Congress seemed universal. Much of Tlaib's speech condemned Israel's brutal campaign in Gaza and Congress' seemingly unconditional support for the war. She struggled to speak through tears as she questioned whether her own colleagues would be able to so easily 'press the 'yes' button' to send more weapons to Israel if they saw Palestinian children — Palestinian people — as human beings. With each 'free Palestine' she uttered, the room erupted in cheers so deafening you could barely hear her next words. Then came Tlaib's remarks that have since been clipped in numerous viral social media posts, appearing to reference her fellow-'Squad' member Ocasio-Cortez's Iron Dome comments: 'I say this honestly with love: I don't care what you label or call it. A weapon is a weapon. You support the funding of genocide or you don't.' Tlaib's remarks electrified the convention hall as she railed against her 'warmonger' colleagues, against imperialism and capitalism: 'The violence against our people doesn't have to come in the form of a bomb or a gun. The systems and structures around us kill our neighbors. It's the same effect.' She urged DSA to 'cultivate this people-power into a force that can fight fascism and win a united front in order to beat fascism.' 'This is our duty. This is our responsibility. This is our moment,' she said. 'You don't need to tell me that the Democratic Party establishment has completely failed to present meaningful resistance to this billionaire class, to Trump and fascism.' Across the U.S., working-class people 'know they have been let down. They're looking for a new home. They want to envision alternatives, and we have it.' Tlaib's remarks united the room. You would hardly guess that, within an hour, the same convention hall would become a site of intense, sometimes vitriolic arguments. Thanks in part to Mamdani, this year's convention came amid the most national attention the organization has had on it since Sanders' rise almost a decade ago. With that momentum, some factions of DSA want the organization to focus on external organizing, expansion, and growth, bringing in as many new people as possible. Other factions see this as a key moment for moral clarity, for setting clear internal standards of conduct and ensuring that members and electeds are unwavering against genocide and fascism. Romer doesn't see internal and external organizing as mutually exclusive: 'I see it as a 'yes, and' rather than 'either-or,'' she says. Queens DSA's Aaron Fernando agrees, but he questions some DSA leaders' priorities based on the convention agenda, including which resolutions were debated and voted on and which were buried. For instance, he hoped the convention would focus more on setting priorities for DSA's resistance to the new Trump administration, like strategizing on how to fight for trans people, rather than internal conflicts. 'I think we went in the wrong direction this convention,' he says. 'Instead of focusing on more outward-facing mass politics, we stagnated on personal beefs and factionalism within DSA. That sort of agenda is not good for a national organization.' Some resolutions were uncontroversial: On Saturday, delegates passed one for DSA to run a presidential candidate in 2028, likely under the Democratic Party ballot line, similar to Sanders in 2016 and 2020. An amendment to specify that the candidate would run under a third party failed. Rand told me she's particularly excited about this resolution: 'What Bernie Sanders showed even though he didn't win is that a socialist can win the highest office in America,' she says. Other resolutions were more contentious. A resolution known as '1m1v,' or One Member One Vote, for instance, swallowed up a large chunk of deliberation on Friday afternoon. Under 1m1v, each dues-paying DSA member would get to vote on members of the NPC. Proponents argue it embodies direct democracy, mimicking labor unions and other international leftist parties, and allows rank-and-file members to both feel and be part of the national organization. Opponents worry about less active and less informed members potentially sabotaging the organization. Floor debate over 1m1v devolved, at times, into enough of a mess to spark semi-viral social media outrage. One delegate who supported the resolution drew comparisons between those who opposed it and those who opposed Reconstruction and civil rights. These comments were met with a wave of boos, shocked gasps, and jeers. Some DSA members took to social media to complain about being compared to slaveowners for disagreeing with their 'comrades.' The resolution decisively failed. The most heated debate surrounded the 'For a Fighting Anti-Zionist DSA' resolution, which restates DSA's commitments to Palestinian liberation and against any material support for Israel — and establishes a red-line for members, candidates, and elected officials, opening the door for expulsion or required political education for those in violation. To some delegates, the resolution read as a proxy for resolutions to expel Ocasio-Cortez and Los Angeles City Council member Nithya Raman over statements or votes regarding Israel. These opponents argued the resolution is redundant given DSA's existing positions on Palestine, and that it's a vehicle to punish and expel members or electeds, including those who have since changed their positions. Supporters of the resolution deny that it would be applied retroactively or in bad-faith. The resolution decisively passed on Sunday afternoon to 'Free Palestine' chants across the convention hall. Seemingly less controversial resolutions on the national organization's budget and stipends for its political leadership sparked less heated debate. But some delegates told me these resolutions emerged from simmering tensions between certain factions of DSA. In 2023, at the onset of Israel's war on Gaza and explosive political debates across the U.S., DSA carried out layoffs. Romer says that at the time, the organization was $1 million in debt. 'That's the worst feeling you have as a socialist,' she says of the situation. But on the condition of anonymity, some delegates disputed this version of events, claiming the organization's finances were never that dire, that DSA's membership base is full of skilled fundraisers who could easily have raised the necessary funding to keep staffers employed, and that some members of DSA leadership actively want to divest from staffers to consolidate more organizational power for themselves. Some of these allegations have been made quite publicly, and the staff union filed a complaint to the National Labor Relations Board last January. Romer maintains that the 2023 layoffs were necessary due to budget constraints. It's difficult if not impossible to break down the range of factions and tensions within DSA without getting too in the weeds. Fernando, who represents one of the organization's two major factions, sees DSA's goal as 'bringing in as many people as possible' and winning elections everywhere, and regards Mamdani's coalition-building, grassroots field operations and victory as an inspiration. Romer, who aligns with DSA's other major faction, agrees on the importance of winning elections, but also stresses the importance of 'agitation,' praising Mamdani's past activism in the form of hunger strikes for Palestine and in solidarity with taxi drivers as an inspiration. Mamdani — like Tlaib — is a unifying name across all caucuses. NYC-DSA co-chair Gustavo Gordillo, who joined DSA a decade ago around when Sanders first ran for president, has attended four DSA conventions. 'Over time, I've seen disagreement handled better, with far less personal, healthier conversations,' he says. 'When we first started having these bigger disagreements after the Bernie surge, when so many people with sometimes very different politics joined, disagreements were treated much more personally. Now, I think we've matured as an organization, where we don't let disagreements destabilize us.' When Mamdani first launched his mayoral campaign at the end of October, he was a state Assembly member with minimal name recognition. By June, posters of his face were plastered across the city; you couldn't walk a block without seeing his smile in the window of nearly every coffee shop, bodega, halal cart, or apartment. Much as some Democratic strategists would like to attribute his surge in popularity solely to charisma and engaging social media, just as well known as his name are the tenets of his platform: free buses, freezing the rent, and universal child care. And what his opponents repeatedly tried to nail him with as a liability — his unwavering support for Palestine and strong criticisms of Israel — has instead proven a strength. Almost a decade ago, Quinnipiac University polling showed Democratic voters sympathized with Israelis more than Palestinians by a 13-point margin; new polling from July reveals a 56-point swing, with Democrats now sympathizing more with Palestinians by a net 43 points. CNN polling expert Harry Enten called this a 'sea change,' the scale of which he 'rarely' sees in politics. In January, polling showed among the nearly 20 million people who voted for Biden in 2020 but didn't vote in 2024, a third cited Harris' sustained support for Israel. 'Voters like to see anyone standing their ground on Palestine. I think that's increased a lot of people's confidence [that] Zohran is actually going to deliver on his platform — they thought, 'Oh, you can't really deliver,'' Siddique said. 'But because he stood his ground on Palestine, or people see him challenging ICE very directly — people trust fighters.' DSA leaders, who have long held support for Palestine as the moral position, are navigating a new paradigm in which support for Palestine is also the politically smart one. We're rapidly approaching the 2026 midterms, and as mainstream Democrats resist their own base by unconditionally, materially backing Israel, DSA members believe they can fill this vacuum in leadership. Olivia Katbi, co-chair of Portland-DSA, says her chapter's organizing has focused largely on Palestine and overseeing successful local boycott, divest, and sanctions (BDS) campaigns against Israel in recent years. 'The Democratic Party is a capitalist, racist, pro-genocide party, and DSA is offering an actual alternative to that,' she says. Batul Hassan, an NYC-DSA steering committee member whose organizing has focused on pro-Palestine initiatives, echoed Katbi: 'A lot of the member growth that we've had, the mass turnout for Zohran, who is very morally consistent on his position on Palestine, is because of that — because we're member-driven, not beholden to pro-genocide billionaires.' DSA members are determined to ensure Mamdani's victory on these principles, on an unrepentantly socialist and pro-Palestine platform, wasn't just a flash in the pan. In November, NYC-DSA member Claire Valdez won her seat in the state Assembly after crushing the Democratic incumbent Juan Ardila by 48 points in the primary. 'Right now, the Democratic establishment is unwilling or incapable of meeting the moment, fighting Trump's fascist administration, the genocide and famine in Gaza — there's a vast gulf between what the Democratic base wants and how we're being represented,' Valdez tells me. She believes Democratic Socialists are poised to make waves in 2026: 'People are hungry for an alternative. You saw that with my campaign, you saw that with Zohran's.' In addition to Valdez, and Brower in Milwaukee, candidates like Atlanta city council candidate Kelsea Bond and Jersey City council candidate Jake Ephros also attended the convention. Ephros says he 'wouldn't be running without my local DSA chapter,' with which he organized for over five years before running for office this year. NYC-DSA co-chairs Grace Mausser and Gordillo, alongside Siddique, hosted a workshop on strategies to run and win on a campaign like Mamdani's on the convention's final day. Mausser emphasized the importance of partnership and patience when working with candidates: 'We knew when we endorsed Zohran there were going to be tensions and contradictions in electing a socialist mayor,' she says. 'But we can't let those tensions hold us back from taking power. The left has done that for far too long.' With Mamdani, Mausser says NYC-DSA is 'building a new model of partnership,' navigating disagreements 'while still prioritizing collaboration and a fruitful governing relationship.' Today, 'everyone in New York City knows who Zohran is — a socialist — because he identifies as a socialist, and it wasn't a liability but a strength for him,' Gordillo said. Across all chapters, every DSA member and leader I spoke to said some version of the same thing: They believe, today, socialism is popular, socialism can win, and socialism can thrive in all the spaces where the Democratic Party is stagnating. As Hernandez puts it: 'It's not just about saying Democrats are bad, but also giving people something positive to vote for.' Gordillo says the chapter's membership has almost doubled since Mamdani's victory, which positions him to be the highest-ranking socialist in office in U.S. history. Delegates from chapters across the country say they've seen surges in interest, too. 'Zohran showed that a mass coalition can be led by a socialist. We saw him bring along supporters who are more moderate or considered liberals, to build a large tent that was actually led by a working-class, socialist agenda,' Gordillo says. 'Biden was not able to do that. Kamala Harris also failed — that's because they were constantly trying to compromise with the billionaire class.' He believes Mamdani models the way forward. 'I think we need to let a million Zohrans bloom, and there's Zohrans everywhere for those with eyes that see,' Piker says. 'There have been far worse circumstances where people have been able to successfully organize and make changes that have improved humanity. I think that's what can happen right now.' More from Rolling Stone Dem Socialists Convene in Chicago to Chart Future After Mamdani's Win Elizabeth Warren on Why Billionaires Are Doing All They Can to Stop Zohran Mamdani RZA, Mamdani Talk 'Mission' to Make NYC Affordable: It's 'Wu-Tang Financial' Best of Rolling Stone The Useful Idiots New Guide to the Most Stoned Moments of the 2020 Presidential Campaign Anatomy of a Fake News Scandal The Radical Crusade of Mike Pence
Daily Mail
03-07-2025
- General
- Daily Mail
EXCLUSIVE Neighbours' fury as penny-pinching council rules homeowner's illegally built 'monstrosity' dormer is allowed to stay
A woman has been allowed to keep a 'monstrosity' box dormer extension that was built without planning permission after the council removed the enforcement notice because it was 'too costly' to appeal. Furious locals have complained the large development on the property's roof is out of keeping with the rest of the area and overlooks their homes, invading their privacy. They also believe the decision will spark a 'planning free-for-all' with homeowners able to build what they want now and ask for permission later. The row centres on a box dormer - a type of roof extension - at the back of the family home on Upham Road in Swindon, Wiltshire, that was built without permission. In August 2019, homeowner Harjinder Saran was given the go-ahead for the construction of front, side and rear extensions and an outbuilding in the garden. Those buildings went up in 2020 but so did the large box dormer extension, sparking immediate concern from neighbours. One local, who can see the development from her garden and kitchen window, told MailOnline: 'I never expected it to go up so high. 'I thought it was enough when they built the shed in the garden. I don't understand why people think they can just do what they want.' Another resident in a nearby property said he alerted Swindon Borough Council to the 'unauthorised development' while it was still being built five years ago. He said, however, it took the local authority at least two years to issue an enforcement notice and problems then arose surrounding the 'legality' of it. The enforcement notice told the homeowner Mrs Saran that the box dormer extension had not been built in accordance with the 2019 planning application. It read: 'Remove the box dormer from the rear elevation of the dwelling. 'Remove all resultant material from the land following compliance and ensure the development is built in accordance with the approved plans.' The homeowner, however, subsequently appealed the enforcement notice - with the council saying it had been withdrawn earlier this month. A spokesperson for Swindon Borough Council told MailOnline that despite them being 'confident' there had been a 'breach of planning control', it was 'not in the council's best interests to continue with a lengthy and costly appeals process'. Local Iain Melrose, 77, told MailOnline: 'Over four years ago Swindon Borough Council were made aware that this huge box dormer was being built without planning permission. Furious locals have complained the large development on the property's roof is out of keeping with the rest of the area and overlooks their homes, invading their privacy 'Due to severe staff shortages and frankly total incompetence, it took two years to issue a breach of condition enforcement notice. 'Due to more incompetence between enforcement and legal there was an issue with the legality of the enforcement notice. 'My concern is that this monstrosity sets a precedent. I want to ensure that this doesn't happen to other people in future.' Mr Melrose added that he thought the decision to remove the enforcement notice was less about money and more about the 'incompetence of the council'. He claimed that the council knew they would lose the planning appeal as more than four years had passed since the box dormer extension went up. Other residents in the area said they had concerns that the rear roof extension was 'invading their privacy'. One neighbour, who did not want to be named, said: 'Our main concern is privacy. It is really high. It is too much. 'They can see right into our property' Others, however, said they were not concerned by the development. One who wished to remain anonymous said: 'It has never bothered us. It has not been a problem. 'We never objected in the first place. We got a letter saying it was being removed in April then we got another one saying it was now fine. 'I can understand why people might be angry. It does stand out quite a lot.' Mrs Saran previously defended the decision to build the box dormer. She told the Swindon Advertiser last year: 'We're not planning to take the box dormer down. We've written to the council but we haven't heard anything back.' Mrs Saran added: 'If you look around Swindon there are box dormers all over the place, because it's too expensive to move. 'This meets all the building regulations and is safe.'
The Sun
27-06-2025
- General
- The Sun
Our village is at war over 60ft oak tree – I live in darkness & fear it'll crush my home… but I can't chop it down
VILLAGERS at war with a nightmare 60ft tree have lost their latest battle to get it chopped down. Plans to fell the protected oak, which sits just metres from thatched cottages in Kings Newton, South Derbyshire, have been axed. 3 Residents living next to the "frightening" behemoth in Sleepy Lane have fumed that it could crush their homes. They claim it also causes major sewage issues, problems with the road surface and blocks huge amounts of natural light. It was planted 34 years ago after a 109-year-old tree in the same spot was deemed to be in a dangerous condition and felled. DerbyshireLive reported that the sleepy village is divided by the new oak, which sits next to a public footpath leading into the picturesque countryside. Paul Hackney, whose house is dwarfed by the 30-foot-wide tree, saw his proposal to have it cut down rejected earlier this week. Almost 80 rejection letters were submitted at a South Derbyshire District Council meeting. Opposition was led by Melbourne Parish Council. The "nuisance" tree is expected to reach 300 years old, much to the horror of some locals. Mr Hackney told how the shrub had proved to be a hazard to vehicles after it was recently hit by an Ocado delivery van. He said: "Ultimately it is a tree that has outgrown its position. "It would be better for the residents to resolve the issue and be involved in the future planning of a new tree (if required) without the understandable stress and worry of the current situation." But John Jackson, chair of the residents association, argued that the oak was healthy and did not pose a risk. We're trapped in tiny village after travellers BULLDOZED field for caravan camp Councillors understood the frustrations of locals living in its shadow, but defended keeping the "healthy" tree. Cllr Andrew Kirke said: 'I do have some sympathy for the neighbours. "We have many very large trees but we can't just chop them down in case there is a strong wind. 'We have lots of periods of strong wind while it has been there and trees have fallen down but it has stayed up through all of that. "There is no reason to chop down such a healthy specimen.' Cllr Jayne Davies added: 'It is such a glorious tree. "It has a tree preservation order for a reason and the applicant can come back for a crown or lift or another suitable solution.' It comes as a similar 'Jack and the beanstalk' tree continues to frustrate homeowners in Winchester, Hampshire. 3 Locals in Canon Street slammed the "grotesquely irresponsible" and "ludicrous" 45 foot high oak. But now it has branched into an "out of proportion" eyesore which overshadows the gardens of nearby properties - where the average house price is more than £600,000. However, the council have refused to cut it down and placed it under a protection order. The authorities said residents from a neighbouring street "appreciated" the tree. The decision has sparked outrage among locals who are actually dealing with the daily repercussions of such an overwhelming tree. South Derbyshire District Council has been approached for comment.
BBC News
19-06-2025
- BBC News
Find Out Where to Report a Noise Nuisance
To find who to report noise complaints to, you can click here, external, where you can enter your postcode and it will tell you who to contact.
BBC News
18-06-2025
- Science
- BBC News
Surrey university and councils launch lab to tackle local issues
A university and two councils in Surrey have joined forces to launch a new lab to help tackle local University of Surrey and Guildford and Waverley Borough Councils have created a lab at the university's Institute for Sustainability in new lab will link university researchers with council policymakers and teams to identify and tackle issues affecting local McShane, Guildford Borough Council's leader, said: "This partnership gives us the opportunity to bring world-class research into our policymaking process – helping us address complex challenges in areas like infrastructure, sustainability and economic development." The partnership will also look at opportunities to give students studying at the university real-world training and experience by undertaking a paid placement training session at one of the Amelia Hadfield, co-director of the Institute for Sustainability, said: "While our focus is local, those solutions will have potential for regional or national application, and we'll look forward to working together to unleash solutions made in Surrey for the benefit of wider society."Paul Follows, Waverley Borough Council's leader, added: "Whether it's improving services, preparing for future infrastructure needs, or navigating the transition to a greener economy, this partnership allows us to do more, and do it better."
