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Have Reporting Burdens Led To More Firms Staying Private?
Have Reporting Burdens Led To More Firms Staying Private?

Forbes

time11 hours ago

  • Business
  • Forbes

Have Reporting Burdens Led To More Firms Staying Private?

The best evidence for this hypothesis comes from micro-caps. Confounding trends and offsetting benefits of being public are often ignored by advocates for reducing reporting rules. The number of US public firms has fallen in recent times. Prof. Jay Ritter, who tracks these numbers, documents that we had 3,804 US listed firms at the end of 2024 relative to the peak of around 8000 in 1996. Remarkably we had 1,384 foreign firms listed at the end of 2024. Many blame higher costs reporting and auditing for the smaller number of US listed firms. They point to the cumulative onslaught of Sarbanes Oxley 2022, the 2003 Global Settlement that alleged made it harder for analysts to cover small firms, Dodd-Frank 2010, and the supposedly relentless pace of accounting and auditing regulation pushed by Congress, the SEC and the FASB. The question I want to address is whether there is any evidence for that claim. Trend depends on benchmark period In a research note, Vanguard points out that if we go back to 1972, the decline shrinks to a third. On top of that, 1972 was the year NASDAQ was set up and 3,000 odd new companies entered the public arena. Why the fall? Doidge, Karolyi, Shen and Stulz (2025) list two potential underlying reasons: (i) it is easier to stay private because restrictions on staying private have softened and it has become easier to raise funds for private firms, perhaps due to the low interest rate environment; and (ii) antitrust enforcement over the last decade has been relatively lax and product market competition has heated up leading to a greater number of mergers. They don't seem to devote much space to reporting cost burden. Acquisitions drive most of the decline A McKinsey piece shows that 95% of the exits from our markets are driven by acquisitions. Thus, the so-called missing companies have not left the investible universe for the US investor as the investor gets indirect exposure to the target via the acquirer's stock. Espen Eckbo makes the acquisition point more rigorously. However, the rate of entry and exit into public markets is not uniform across industries. We had more IPOs, relative to exits, in pharmaceutical and biotech industries. The number of IPOs, relative to exits, are more or less the same in retail, materials, consumer apparel and durables. Exits far exceed IPOs in banking, software, technology hardware, media and telecom. Any theory that argues reporting burdens are a first order problem needs to explain why such burden has massively increased for banking, software, tech hardware, media and telecom relative to pharma. Smaller IPOs, mostly micro-caps, gone The McKinsey piece also makes the interesting point that we have far fewer smaller IPOs now relative to the past. This suggests that more of the earlier value is captured by private investors, as private equity firms seem to take longer to exit their positions now relative to before (3 years in 2007 relative to 6 years in 2015). One could argue that the costs of reporting, auditing and compliance have become too large for smaller IPOs to even think about going public. Vanguard points out that the missing IPOs are micro-caps. Is the loss of micro-caps a policy concern? Moreover, Mauboussin, Callahan, and Majd (2017) and Doidge, Karolyi, and Stulz (2017) note that half of what can be referred to as the 'listing gap' (exits more than IPOs) occurred before Sarbanes Oxley became law. Start-ups have declined too Somewhat intriguing, the number of start-ups appears to display mixed patterns since 1996. The Kaufmann index of startup activity falls from 1996 to its nadir in 2013, after which it picks up till 2017, when the index was last published but the 2017 number was still lower than the 1996 number. This suggests that there may be fewer businesses even available to go public. International exchanges I am in the UK as I write this and an institutional investor I know here suggested that the London stock exchange has suffered a similar decline in IPOs. In fact, there is some angst in the UK that they are losing listings to the US. The loss in listings applies to other advanced economies as well, as Espen Eckbo points out. The theory pushing for reporting burdens as the primary explanation will have to explain why UK reporting and reporting in other advanced economies has also become onerously burdensome. Burgeoning private equity (PE) A senior executive tells me,' the payouts achieved by management and their VCs by arranging acquisitions to PE firms, as well as PE to PE sales have been, in recent times, just as compelling as anything other than a truly dramatic IPO. Smaller companies, companies with significant internal ownership, companies without strong growth or high investment opportunities (that is to say not pharma or biotech who absolutely need risk capital), companies where management would like to stay involved but are not keen on public company visibility. These are all great reasons to be acquired by PE rather than either IPO or even getting acquired by a public company rapidly, with certainty, without much publicity. PE is incredibly well equipped at maximizing ongoing cashflows, and growth, while still maintaining: (i) particularly attractive incentives for management in the transaction, (ii) management that stays post transaction with significant incentive retentions and milestones -- all without pesky proxy announcements about executive compensation; and (iii) objectively great returns to those equity holders that are just selling.' The role of reporting for intangibles Rene Stulz (2018) has suggested that new firms heavily invest in intangibles and forced disclosure of intangibles by securities laws, all else constant, encourage firms to stay private. I am not sure of this argument as US public firms barely tell us anything about their intangible investments, especially home grown ones. Papers suggesting that SOX increased regulatory burdens Zhang (2007) finds negative returns of around -15% to -13% around the events surrounding the passage of SOX. I find these returns too large to be credible. Engel, Hayes, and Wang (2007) observed an increase in decisions to go private after SOX. But this evidence is mixed. Bartlett (2008) of the Stanford Law School re-examines this question and concludes, 'non-SOX factors were the primary impetus for the "name brand" buyouts commonly evoked as evidence that SOX has harmed the competitiveness of U.S. capital markets.' Iliev (2010) is perhaps the best cited paper in the area. Using careful research designs, Iliev documents that section 404 of the SOX, which mandates that the auditor attest the internal controls of the firm for the absence of a material weakness, led to conservative reported earnings but also imposed real costs. Iliev compares audit fees and earnings quality for firms with float of $50-75 million to those just above at $75 million-$100 million. The idea is that firms in these two partitions are mostly similar except that Section 404 applies only to firms with float greater than $75 million. He concludes, 'on net, SOX compliance reduced the market value of small firms' and increases audit fees by 167%. Atanasov and Black (2020) replicate Iliev (2010) and conclude that not controlling for firm growth led Iliev (2010) to overestimate SOX compliance costs in his analysis. However, the increase in audit fees suffered by the small firms is real, by about 80%. The dollar numbers underlying these estimates are worth reiterating. The average firm in Iliev's affected firm sample pays more than $0.7 million in greater audit fees. The mean and median earnings of sample firms is -$4.8 million and -$1.4 million respectively. Iliev uses this comparison to argue that the compliance costs of section 404 were substantial. Were they? Would these firms have survived had section 404 not been enacted? Is it obvious that investors would have wanted to invest in such firms? And, how much of the audit fee hike is temporary for a year or two. Even more noteworthy, this evidence relates to micro caps (defined as stocks with market capitalizations of between $50 million and $250 million in 2024). These numbers would be smaller if we went back in time as stock markets have gone up quite a bit in the last 20 years or so. The bigger question is how can we possibly generalize evidence reliant on a sample of microcaps to the entire corporate ecosystem? Ewens, Xiao and Xu (2024), in a new paper, move this literature forward and consider three such natural breakpoints to estimate costs of mandatory reporting: (i) firms below $25 million in float in 1992 were designated as 'small businesses' and escaped a few disclosure requirements; (ii) the $75 million float threshold that Iliev looked for section 404 of SOX; and (iii) the $700 million float threshold used in the 2012 JOBS Act. The 2012 JOBS Act is interesting because the point of that legislation was to exempt smaller firms from a few reporting requirements. So, the JOBS Act presents a bit of a counterfactual to the usual setting whereby regulation increased. Based on these events, they claim that the median firm spends 4.3% of its market capitalization on compliance costs. I find the 4.3% number somewhat big. Moreover, even with the clever econometrics used in the paper, can one really generalize estimates from SOX and JOBS Act to the universe of firms? I don't know. Interestingly, Ewens et al. themselves seem to conclude, 'heightened regulatory costs only explain a small fraction of the decline in the number of public firms over the last two decades. Our results suggest that non-regulatory factors likely played a more important role in explaining the decline in the number of U.S. public firms.' Evidence around the 2012 JOBS Act Researchers are generally good at coming up with unintended consequences of regulations that public firms are required to follow. But we don't often see studies that document the offsetting benefits of going or staying public. The 2012 JOBS Act presents a rare opportunity to consider whether relaxing reporting regulations encourages more IPOs. Dambra et al. (2015) conclude that the 2012 JOBS Act led to an increase of 21 IPOs a year, on average. Ewens et al. (2024) find a slightly higher estimate: roughly 28 additional IPOs. One must wonder whether 20 odd IPOs per year are worth the potential collateral damage to the credibility of US reporting and compliance systems, if the PCAOB were to be dismantled or SOX were to be repealed. Incidentally, many other advanced economies passed regulation, modeled on SOX, in their own countries. Did they not conduct a careful assessment of costs of such regulation on their IPO activity? Or did they recognize the need to tighten up reporting and audit rules after the tech bubble burst in 2001? IPO Tax Robert Jackson's, the ex-SEC commissioner, analysis highlights the 7% tax that middle market IPOs must pay even before they go public, to investment bankers, lawyers and the like. Surely, the IPO tax, which has little to do per se with the reporting and compliance costs of 4.3% highlighted by Ewens et al, deserves more attention. The advocates of cutting reporting burdens are somewhat silent about reducing the 7% middle market IPO tax. And I am aware of startups that are working on software that can write an S1 in minutes with AI. Shouldn't the 4.3% reporting costs, estimated by Ewens et al., fall? Benefits of staying public are often ignored Owners, VCs, and capital providers get liquidity. Public firms can potentially pay labor mostly via stock and hence attract higher quality talent. Stock can be used as a means of payment to buy another company and hence take out a rival or to buy a complementary firm. If you get acquired, the acquirer is usually expected to pay a 25% control premium over the prevailing stock price. In sum, the case for reporting burdens forcing companies to stay private is far from clear. The best evidence relates to micro-caps and generalizing from that set to other companies is not straightforward. Partisan debate about the evidence often tends to ignore the vast number of confounding factors such as low interest rates, falling number of start-ups, special time periods chosen for the analysis and large number of acquisitions of public firms and the 7% IPO tax. If anything, US reporting rules need to be strengthened, not weakened. I have pointed out, time and again, the deficiencies in our financial reporting system and how auditors could potentially do a better job. Regulators may want to proceed with caution the next time someone brings up the hypothesis that reporting burdens are a significant barrier to US firms going public.

Five explorers leveraged to drilling success as microcaps offer big upside
Five explorers leveraged to drilling success as microcaps offer big upside

News.com.au

time14-05-2025

  • Business
  • News.com.au

Five explorers leveraged to drilling success as microcaps offer big upside

As gold prices rise, exploration success is driving microcaps to massive gains At the small end of the market a rerate can be just one hole away These five juniors have drilling programs on the go All it takes is one drill hole to drastically change the fortunes of even the tiniest explorer. Just over six months ago, New South Wales explorer Koonenberry Gold (ASX:KNB) had a market capitalisation of well below $5 million. A series of wide gold hits at the Enmore gold project's Sunnyside prospect has transformed the former microcap into one of the best performing stocks this year. The first and second holes at Sunnyside returned 170m at 1.75 grams per tonne gold from 77m, including 18m at 9.95g/t gold and 172.9m at 2.07g/t gold respectively. The hits have kept on coming for Koonenberry, which now has a market cap of more than $75 million, with the company reporting on Tuesday that visible gold had been encountered in seven of the first nine holes. Results from the fourth and fifth holes are expected later this month, with the sixth expected next month. OzAurum Resources (ASX:OZM) started the year with a market cap of less than $5 million, but at the start of February, its shares surged more than five-fold off the back of a high-grade gold discovery at the Mulgabbie North project in Western Australia's Eastern Goldfields. Initial results included 20m at 3.57g/t gold from surface, including 10.21g/t gold, and 10m at 6.59g/t gold from 12m, including 4m at 14.17g/t gold. The company has continued to build on the results since then and while its share price has eased from February highs, it's still up more than 150% year-to-date. We've identified a few more microcap explorers which are actively drilling right now. Asra Minerals (ASX:ASR) On Monday, Asra kicked off a 1300m drilling program at its Leonora South gold project in WA, close to tenements owned by growing mid-tier producer Genesis Minerals. The program, comprising 1000m of RC and 300m of diamond tail drilling, will target down-dip extensions of the high-grade Orion and Sapphire deposits. The company will follow up high-grade results from October last year, including 1m at 47.95g/t gold from 115.2m and 1m at 23.12g/t gold from 148.7m at Sapphire, and 0.8m at 23.97g/t gold from 161.2m at Orion. Asra, which has a market cap of just $6.7 million, expects the first assays in the next 6-8 weeks. Codrus Minerals (ASX:CDR) The $6.6 million capped Codrus will fire up the rig any day now after being granted a long-awaited drilling permit for its Bull Run gold project in Oregon. The project, briefly a producer in the 1930s, has only ever had three shallow holes drilled into it, but has returned rock chip results of up to 1040g/t gold. 'There (are) some pretty outrageous grades there, so it's really low-hanging fruit just crying out to be drilled,' Codrus executive chairman Greg Bandy told Stockhead earlier this week. Induced polarisation surveying has identified multiple anomalies, while more recent rock chipping returned grades of up to 60g/t gold, 1.5% copper and 2.5% molybdenum. Codrus is permitted for up to 14,000m of drilling, which is expected to cover multiple programs. Miramar Resources (ASX:M2R) Miramar is in the process of an 11,000m aircore program at its Gidji gold project, just 15km north of Kalgoorlie, which represents the first drilling there for three years. The company has described the 80%-owned project as 'the cheapest house in the best street', sitting right next door to Northern Star Resources' (ASX:NST) 313,000oz 8 Mile Dam deposit. Early results include a best hit of 1m at 4.45g/t gold, with drilling to date increasing the footprint of the high-priority Blackfriars target. The company says it shares several similarities to the multi-million-ounce Paddington gold deposit along strike to the north. Results are expected to flow through between now and July. With a market cap of just $3 million, Miramar is highly leveraged to success at Gidji. GreenTech Metals (ASX:GRE) The stage two diamond drilling program at GreenTech's Whundo copper-zinc project in the West Pilbara is progressing. The first two holes of the program returned a best result of 7.14m at 1.46% copper, 1.23% zinc and 0.08g/t gold from 277.16m, including 6.3m at 1.84% copper, 1.4% zinc and 0.08g/t gold from 278m. Whundo has an existing resource of 6.2 million tonnes at 1.12% copper and 1.04% zinc. The project sits on a granted mining lease and GreenTech has flagged the potential to process ore through Anax Metals' nearby Whim Creek plant or Artemis Resources' Radio Hill plant. GreenTech has success in its DNA via the recent appointment of Julian Hanna as MD, the exploration expert responsible for the early progress of Western Areas and MOD Resources. Antares Metals (ASX:AM5) Last week, Mark Connelly-chaired Antares launched its Phase 2 RC drilling at the Surprise copper project in the Mt Isa region of Queensland. The 1500m program will focus on untested targets identified by geophysics and beneath outcropping high-grade copper mineralised zones and is aiming to enlarge the known mineralised envelope of the project. The first phase of drilling, completed earlier this year, returned 11m at 1.8% copper and 1.3g/t gold from 68m, including 4m at 3.8% copper from 71m. The $4.1 million company has also identified rock chips grading up to 26% copper from artisanal workings. Drilling should be getting started any day now at West Cobar Metals' Fraser Range copper-gold project in WA after receiving approvals at the start of the month. The company plans to drill eight RC holes to depths of 200-300m to test three iron oxide-copper-gold and two Broken Hill-style targets. The program is being fully funded by MinRex Resources (ASX:MRR) under a farm-out option agreement signed in March. MinRex will earn 50% of the project if it sole funds $500,000 of expenditure.

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