Latest news with #non-Western
Yahoo
3 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Iranian president visits Oman, as Tehran sees 'new global order already shaping'
Iran is increasingly seeking to be part of this new world order, in which non-Western countries work together against America and the West. Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian traveled to Oman on May 27 for an important state visit. He is in Muscat for two days and was received at the Al Alam Palace on Tuesday. Oman is mediating and hosting talks between the US and Iran regarding the nuclear program. It also helped to end the conflict between the US and the Houthis. Oman has close ties with Iran, but it also attempts to position itself as a neutral country in the region. Years ago, it even hosted a visit by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in 2018. That was a prelude to the Abraham Accords, butOman was nonplussed by Israel's behavior in the last several years and has not done much more outreach to Jerusalem. The Iranian leader is in Oman to discuss bilateral cooperation. The countries have conducted joint military drills, and there is much to discuss. Oman has been a focal point of talks over the years regarding Yemen. The Iranian president was in Oman as the IDF carried out airstrikes on the Houthis on May 28. Oman's Sultan Haitham bin Tariq Al Said is hosting the Iranian leader. Meanwhile, three thousand miles away in Moscow, the Secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, Ali Akbar Ahmadian, is speaking about how 'new opportunities have arisen for the creation of a new world order.' Iran is increasingly seeking to be part of this new world order, in which non-Western countries work together against America and the West. The Iranian said nations should seize the opportunity to work together. Iran and Russia are allies. Both countries are weighing deals with the Trump administration. Iran's IRNA noted that 'Ahmadian made the remarks on Tuesday upon arrival in the Russian capital, Moscow, to attend the 13th International Meeting of High Representatives for Security Issues." IRNA continued, "He told reporters that the meeting, coupled with the formation of groups like BRICS and organizations like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, shows that efforts have already been launched to create a new global order to replace the current one that advocates for unilateralism.' In Oman, the Iranian president was welcomed by Deputy Prime Minister Shahab bin Tariq Al Said and Foreign Minister Badr bin Hamad Al Busaidi. 'Accompanying the president are several senior Iranian officials, including Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi, Defense Minister Brigadier-General Aziz Nasirzadeh, Minister of Cooperatives, Labor, and Social Welfare Ahmad Meydari, Minister of Industry, Mine, and Trade Mohammad Atabak, and Minister of Justice Amin-Hossein Rahimi,' IRNA noted. Cooperation agreements are expected to be signed. These will focus on infrastructure, maritime affairs, and trade. 'Iranian and Omani officials will also discuss regional stability and work towards strengthening peace and confronting Israeli aggression in Gaza,' IRNA noted. The Omani sultan visited Iran two years ago. Iran's President Ebrahim Raisi who died in a helicopter crash last year, also made an official visit to Muscat in the past. IRNA noted about the Moscow meeting that 'the 13th International Meeting of High Representatives for Security Issues takes place in Moscow on May 27-29, bringing together more than 125 delegations from over 100 countries, according to Russia's TASS news agency. Ahmadian has been invited to the meeting by the secretary of Russia's Security Council, Sergei Shoigu. On the sidelines of the meeting, the top Iranian security official is scheduled to hold talks with Russian officials as well as delegates from other participating countries.'
Business Insider
4 days ago
- Business
- Business Insider
New era for Russia-Ethiopia relations as defense, currency, and BRICS deals unfold
A high-level Ethiopian delegation led by Chief of the General Staff Field Marshal Birhanu Jula Gelalcha met with senior Russian defense officials led by Deputy Defense Minister Alexander Fomin in Moscow, demonstrating the expanding strategic ties between Russia and Ethiopia. Ethiopian military officials held discussions with Russian counterparts in Moscow to strengthen bilateral military ties. The talks emphasized strategic cooperation in regional security and professional military communications. Ethiopia and Russia are also enhancing economic collaboration, including currency trading and local currency trade initiatives. According to a statement from Russia's Ministry of Defense, as seen on Sputnik, the discussions focused on implementing existing agreements, military-technical cooperation, responding to regional and global security problems, and expanding future military ties. Both delegations reaffirmed their commitment to constructive discussion, emphasized the importance of regional stability, and agreed to improve professional military communication among their respective armed services. The meeting underscored Russia and Ethiopia's strong and budding relationship, which has been steadily improving in recent years. Growing relationship between Ethiopia and Russia this year so far This defense involvement occurs at a time when the two countries are collaborating more closely on economic and political issues. In February 2025, the Kremlin added Ethiopia, along with Nigeria and Tunisia, to the list of African countries whose banks can now engage in currency trading within Russia. This policy shift represents a significant turning point in Russia's foreign economic relations, particularly as it strives to lessen reliance on Western financial institutions while strengthening connections with non-Western allies. Shortly after this development, Russia and Ethiopia began to look into the f easibility of trading in their own local currencies. Ethiopia's ambassador to Russia, Genet Teshome Jirru, highlighted in an interview that both countries are "trending toward doing business in their currencies," emphasizing the slow but purposeful shift towards economic sovereignty and interdependence. During the same month, Russia established Africa's first large-scale, multi-functional editorial center in Ethiopia's capital, Addis Ababa, as part of its overall soft power campaign. In April 2025, the government confirmed preparations to join the BRICS New Development Bank (NDB), becoming the fourth African country, after South Africa, Egypt, and Ethiopia's regional peer, to apply for membership. In an interview published on the official website of Brazil's BRICS Chairmanship, Ethiopian Ambassador to Brazil, Leulseged Tadese Abebe, verified Ethiopia's candidacy for NDB membership. He highlighted that joining the NDB is a national priority, reflecting Ethiopia's overall goal of fully integrating with the BRICS economic systems.
Epoch Times
20-05-2025
- Politics
- Epoch Times
The Dark Side of Denmark's Welfare State
Commentary For the past three months, I've been living in Denmark, and I genuinely loved it. The streets are clean, the bike lanes immaculate, and the sense of public trust is unlike anything I've experienced in the United States. It's no wonder people romanticize this place—'free' healthcare, university stipends, and a government that many believe works well. But the longer I stayed, the more I started noticing cracks. They weren't always visible at first—more like patterns in conversation, stories from international friends, or the quiet discomfort that settled in certain moments. Coming from the United States, where diversity and individualism are more overtly woven into everyday life, I couldn't help but notice how the very system that offers so much comfort in Denmark comes with a cost. The Ghetto Laws: Welfare-Driven Discrimination in Practice In 2018, Denmark introduced the 'Ghettoplanen' ( Ghetto Laws ), later rebranded as the Parallel Society Laws . These policies target neighborhoods where more than half the residents are of 'non-Western' background—a term that includes people from countries outside the EU and North America, even if they were born in Denmark or are second- or third-generation citizens. Children whose grandparents immigrated from places like Turkey, Lebanon, or Somalia are still counted as 'non-Western' under the law. If a neighborhood meets enough criteria—low income, high unemployment, and a 'non-Western' majority—it faces state intervention. This can include: Mandatory preschool from age one for all children of 'non-Western' descent to instill Danish values, Harsher criminal penalties for offenses committed within these zones, Demolition of public housing and forced relocation of residents to 'de-concentrate' immigrant populations, and Restrictions on who can move in , effectively capping the number of 'non-Western' residents. The government claims these measures promote integration, but they operate more like demographic engineering. The message is clear: too much cultural difference in one place is unacceptable. To someone from the United States, this feels disturbingly familiar. The targeted housing policies, the coded language about 'undesirable neighborhoods,' the use of state power to reshape communities—it all echoes redlining. The difference is that in Denmark, it isn't a buried legacy. It's law, in force today, designed to preserve cultural homogeneity. And while the justification is social cohesion, the result is a system that penalizes people for their ancestry. When Difference Becomes a Liability Welfare states like Denmark's aren't built on taxes alone—they rest on a shared cultural foundation. The social contract assumes a common understanding of how to live: shared values, similar behaviors, and a broadly uniform way of life. While that foundation can foster trust and cohesion, it also creates pressure to conform. Visible difference—whether in language, religion, dress, or worldview—can unsettle that cohesion. And instead of adapting to diversity, Denmark often manages it through policies and social norms that nudge immigrants and their children toward assimilation. In practice, it's not just an invitation to integrate—it's a demand. The result is a system where those who don't—or can't—fully assimilate face quiet exclusion. A nail artist from Nepal told me she's struggled to make Danish friends despite living here for years. Friends of mine who are South Asian or Middle Eastern are routinely denied entry to clubs under vague excuses like 'it's full,' while white Danes enter with ease. Related Stories 5/12/2025 5/11/2025 These aren't isolated experiences. According to the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights, migrants in Denmark report higher levels of discrimination than the EU average. And despite topping global rankings in welfare provision and institutional trust, Denmark scores near the bottom when it comes to multicultural integration. Much of this exclusion is hard to see. It's not enforced through loud rhetoric or explicit laws, but through daily interactions, housing policy, and unspoken expectations. The discrimination is systemic, subtle, and often unacknowledged—and that silence makes it harder to confront. At the heart of this pressure to conform is Janteloven, a deeply rooted cultural code that discourages standing out or asserting individuality. While it promotes humility on the surface, it also reinforces social and cultural sameness. For many Danes, it creates cohesion; for outsiders, it can feel like an invisible wall. Combined with state policies that reward uniformity, Janteloven helps preserve a society that appears egalitarian but quietly resists pluralism. By contrast, American society—despite its flaws—embraces individualism. Cultural differences aren't always seamless, but they're often viewed as part of the national fabric rather than a threat to it. Integration happens through voluntary participation in schools, workplaces, and communities—not through a central authority that defines how to belong. This more open model is far messier. But it leaves space for people to forge identity and belonging on their own terms—not through conformity, but through freedom. Denmark's Quiet Warning I came to Denmark expecting to see the appeal of a so-called 'well-run' welfare state. And in many ways, I did. The country is efficient, safe, and comfortable for those who largely fit the mold. But I also saw how that same system—designed to provide security—can become rigid and exclusionary when difference is treated as disruption. The lesson is that when sameness becomes the price of inclusion, something essential is lost. True equality isn't created through top-down social engineering. It grows from the freedom to live differently—freely exchange ideas, build communities, and be accepted without having to blend in. From the Views expressed in this article are opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.
Japan Forward
19-05-2025
- Business
- Japan Forward
History of Innovative Entrepreneurs in Japan, by Takeo Kikkawa
Takeo Kikkawa's History of Innovative Entrepreneurs in Japan (Springer, 2023) combines the things I am passionate about: biography, Japan, innovation, and history. Having them all in one makes the book essential reading for me and hopefully for those reading this review. Kikkawa is a professor of business history at the International University of Japan in Niigata Prefecture. He is also a professor emeritus at the University of Tokyo and Hitotsubashi University. In his book, he offers a comprehensive exploration of Japan's entrepreneurial evolution from the 17th century to the present. This open-access volume delves into the lives and innovations of over 20 Japanese entrepreneurs. Significantly, it provides insights into the nation's economic and business history. Remarkably, this 291-page treatise with 20 case studies is not a collection of essays by different authors. Rather, except for one essay, all are prepared by Kikkawa himself. I can only imagine the years of work and decades of knowledge that went into the timely book. I write "timely" in that while it is a historical study, Kikkawa seeks as well to understand the "post-bubble stagnation." He notes for his fellow scholars (and readers in general) that "uncovering the true causes of Japan's economic slowdown is an essential task for a business historian in order to explore ways to revive Japan's economy" (p 2). In other words, it is important to study the past to extrapolate possible lessons for the future. The book addresses three critical questions: Why did Japan industrialize earlier than other non-Western countries? What factors contributed to its remarkable economic growth between the 1910s and 1980s? Why has the economy stagnated since the 1990s? Kikkawa attributes early industrialization to a combination of proto-industrial activities and the adoption of Western technologies. The subsequent economic boom is linked to systematic innovations and effective management practices. Conversely, the stagnation period is analyzed through the lens of Japan's struggle to adapt to disruptive innovations emerging globally. Kikkawa organizes the book into three distinct periods. The first part, entitled "The Era of Breakthrough Innovations," covers two sub-periods — the Edo Period and the Meiji Period. (See the section titled "From Port Opening to Post Russo-Japanese War.") It examines early industrialization efforts, discussing in detail, many for the first time in any detail in English, the following figures: Zenemon Konoike, Takatoshi Mitsui, Genzaemon Nakai, Hikojiro Nakamigawa, Yataro and Yanosuke Iwasaki, Zenjiro Yasuda and Soichiro Asano, and Eiichi Shibusawa. Each laid, respectively, the groundwork for Japan's economic transformation. The new 10,000 yen bill features a hologram of Eiichi Shibusawa's face. (©Kyodo) As with the other parts, Part 1 includes "Overviews" at the beginning of the sub-periods and a "Discussion Point," which draws comparisons of the entrepreneurs covered and their interactions, at the end. In this particular part, Kikkawa includes Japan as a "latecomer nation" to industrialization (p 85). This reviewer has chosen not to include the name of the company these men are identified with because, in some cases, they have created multiple companies and/or are known for so many contributions to business and society as a whole. Instead, I encourage readers to pick up the Open Access book and read for themselves. Some of the family names, of course, will be instantly recognizable. Part II, "The Era of Incremental Innovation," covers the time from World War I to the 1980s. This is an unusual but interesting way to look at the 20th century. While it may be viewed as an example of "rise and fall" or "rise and fall" twice over, Kikkawa is more concerned with the technological progress made and the effects of incremental innovations on long-term growth (p 216) over the 80 decades covered. In this period, more well-known, yet still historic, names are introduced: Ichizo Kobayashi, Yasuzaemon Matsunaga, Saburosuke Suzuki II, Kiichiro Toyoda, Shitagau Noguchi and Yoshikawa Aikawa, Sazo Idemitsu, Yataro Nishiyama, Konosuke Matsushita, Masaru Ibuka, Akio Morita, Soichiro Honda, Takeo Fujisawa, and Toshio Doko. These men contributed to high economic growth, enormous technological innovation, and rapid and deep global expansion. Tadashi Yanai, Chairman and CEO of Fast Retailing, on August 1, 2024. Finally, the third part looks at the period since the 1990s. Entitled "The Era of Struggle: Japan Caught Between Two Types of Innovation," it looks at how Japanese-style management turned "dysfunctional" (p 222). In this shorter chapter, he looks at four modern entrepreneurs, most of whom are household names. They are the late Kazuo Inamori, Toshifumi Suzuki, Tadashi Yanai, and Masayoshi Son. Addressing the economic stagnation known as the "Lost Decades," Kikkawa analyzes the challenges faced by these modern entrepreneurs in adapting to global competition and bringing about disruptive innovations. The book ends with a concluding chapter providing a summary of its content. It includes a discussion on "Ways to Revive Innovation." In it, Kikkawa calls on Japanese companies to "confront breakthrough innovation from developed countries and disruptive innovation from less developed countries and regions" (p 263). Chairman and President Masayoshi Son nominates shareholders during a Q&A session at the SoftBank Group's shareholders' meeting in Tokyo. (Screenshot via video) No matter one's interest or industry, this book will provide key insights. Its main strengths include the depth of the author's knowledge, the comparative discussion, and the detailed case studies. The case studies provide concrete examples of entrepreneurial innovation across different eras. While the book provides extensive coverage of major entrepreneurs, it could benefit from a deeper examination of lesser-known figures and regional enterprises that also contributed to Japan's economic development. Additionally, more comparative analysis with entrepreneurs from other countries could offer a broader context. With this said, History of Innovative Entrepreneurs in Japan is a must-read and hopefully will give birth to future innovators, too. (Book cover) Title: History of Innovative Entrepreneurs in Japan Publisher: Springer Nature Author: Takeo Kikkawa Translators: Two translators brought this book to the English-reading world: MS Murphy and Kazuya Hirai ISBN: 978-981-19-9453-1 (hardcover), 978-981-19-9456-2 (softcover), and 978-981-19-9454-8 (E-book) Get the Book: This book is Open Access. Anyone can download it from the publisher for free. (Hardback and softback versions are also available for sale.) Reviewed by: Robert D Eldridge, PhD Dr Eldridge is a former political advisor to the US Marine Corps in Japan and author of numerous books on Japanese political and diplomatic history. He was a 2024 Taiwan Ministry of Foreign Affairs Fellow at Tamkang University and is a consultant on a broad spectrum of Japan-related matters.
Indian Express
16-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Russia and Ukraine hold first direct talks in three years in Turkey
Russian and Ukrainian negotiators met in Istanbul on Friday for their first direct peace talks in more than three years of war, holding discussions together with a Turkish delegation. Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan was making a speech as per Reuters at the start of the meeting, seen as a sign of diplomatic progress between the sides that have not met face-to-face since March 2022, when a peace process was aborted just a few weeks after Russia staged its February 2022 full-scale invasion of the country. Fidan said he was happy to see that the will of the two sides had opened up a new window of opportunity for peace, adding it was critical for a ceasefire to be agreed as soon as possible, and for the foundations to be made for a meeting of the two nation's leaders. Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy has said his 'number one priority is a full, unconditional and honest ceasefire' during talks with Russia to potentially pave the way for a future peace deal. 'This must happen immediately to stop the killing and create a solid basis for diplomacy,' he said during talks between the two countries. 'And if the Russian representatives in Istanbul today cannot even agree to that, to a ceasefire … then it will be 100% clear that Putin continues to undermine diplomacy,' he added, referring to Russian president Vladimir Putin. Moscow has notably withheld its top diplomatic heavyweights – including Putin's chief foreign policy aide, Yuri Ushakov, and his Foreign Minister, Sergei Lavrov – instead dispatching a peculiar mix of officials, led by Vladimir Medinsky, who as per a report by The Guardian is an 'ultra-conservative former culture minister and Putin aide known for peddling nationalist propaganda' and once claiming Russians 'have an extra chromosome,' Joining him are Igor Kostyukov, the GRU intelligence chief linked to covert sabotage and election interference; Col Gen Alexander Fomin, a veteran military diplomat involved in arms deals with Russia's non-Western allies; and Mikhail Galuzin, a literary-minded diplomat overseeing relations with post-Soviet states. On Ukraine's side, the delegation includes Defence Minister Rustem Umerov, 'a reformist Crimean Tatar with close ties to Turkey', as per The Guardian; presidential chief of staff Andriy Yermak, dubbed Ukraine's 'de facto vice-president' for his central wartime role; spymaster Vasyl Malyuk, who reshaped Ukraine's intelligence operations; Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiha, a long-time Zelenskyy loyalist and diplomat; and newly appointed army chief Andriy Hnatov, a frontline marine officer who as per the Guardian famously refused to surrender during the 2014 Crimea crisis.
