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Russia Today
a day ago
- Politics
- Russia Today
Armed, economic and media terrorism: What is France doing in Africa?
'Our enemies are many and they stand ready to exploit our every weakness,' but 'Neither brutality nor cruelty nor torture will ever bring me to ask for mercy, for I prefer to die with my head unbowed, my faith unshakable and with profound trust in the destiny of my country, rather than live under subjection'. These statements by Kwame Nkrumah and Patrice Lumumba capture the predicaments of the members of the Alliance of Sahel States, comprising Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger (AES) which have faced relentless terrorist insurgencies despite decades of military operations by former colonial powers. More than a security pact, the AES is sending a message of unequivocal rejection to neocolonial projects, signaling a shift towards absolute sovereignty, investing in local solutions and industrialization and building new strategic alliances. However, history offers a cautionary reminder to Africans that pan-Africanists like Patrice Lumumba, Muammar Gaddafi and Kwame Nkrumah paid the ultimate price for such ambitions, either with their lives or being overthrown through coups supported by the invisible hands of the colonial ghosts. To this end, the move by the AES is a daring bid to end what it considers neocolonialism. But will the beneficiaries of the old order allow them to succeed? Africa has been a theatre of conflict since the imperial partition of the continent by colonial powers at the Berlin conference 1884/1885. The colonial states carved up the continent without considering the kingdoms or ethnicities that existed at the time, leading to series of inter-ethnic clashes and conflicts between the imperial powers and the colonies. In the Sahel, the colonial footprint remains profound as all three members of the Alliance of Sahel States (Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger) were formally allocated to France as colonies following the partition. Using the policy of assimilation, these countries were directly placed under the French ministry of colonies by 1895 as an integral part of the French West African colonies until its dissolution in 1960. The integration by the French in the 18th century was a calculated response to strengthen its economic and military power and address demographic imbalances to counter arch-rival Germany, whose population had burgeoned while that of France had stagnated. An assertion that was admitted by French president Charles De Gaulle on April 11, 1961: 'We French were building our Empire at a time when our domestic activity had reached a kind of ceiling: industry that barely innovated; agriculture that did not involve change; unchanging trade flows; fixed wages and salaries […]. On the other hand, our ambitions were here: European sovereignty and natural borders collided with the barriers of the treaties of 1815 and, after 1870, with the unity and strength of a threatening Germany. So, we sought in distant territories a new career for our surplus entrepreneurial resources, a complement to our prestige, soldiers for our defense. […] What France has achieved in this capacity and in this form overseas, it has no reason to regret at all… always brings honor to France'. As colonialism waned, France insisted upon keeping these countries under its influence. Consequently, Paris ruled out any form of autonomy outside the French empire. This was emphasized by the then French Commissioner for the Colonies, René Pleven, during the Brazzaville Conference on January 30, 1944. He said: 'There are populations whom we intend to lead step by step to personality, and the most mature of them will be given political franchise, but they desire no independence other than French independence'. However, this move culminated in chaos as countries such as Guinea defiantly rejected every effort to remain a lifetime colony. France used brute-force to sabotage critical sectors of the country, such as the power grid and sewage system, in what was known as Operation Persil. Consequently, other colonies in Africa, including all three members of the AES, succumbed to Paris' demands, placing their security and economy under the influence of the French government as part of the neo-colonial Francafrique policy. France signed several accords with Francophone African countries which became known as the Francafrique. The accords actually legitimized French military intervention in the African countries. According to the Taiwan Center for Security studies, the accords included French military installations, the French West Africa zone with the ESF (éléments français au Sénégal) – created with the stated goals of keeping an eye on all of West Africa – and granted unhindered permission to France to use military force to intervene in any signatory nation. France utilized this as an opportunity to defend pro-French regimes, such as that of Mobutu Sese Seko in resource-rich Zaire (now DR Congo), Leon M'Ba in Gabon in 1964, and to overthrew leaders that threatened French interests through coups such as the Palace coup at Bangui and the ascent to power of the pro-French ruler, David Dacko in Central African Republic. In the 21st century, French security cooperation in West Africa has largely taken the form of counterterrorism operations, as all the Sahelian States have been blighted by terrorism. In an attempt to find African solutions through regional security initiatives, the African Union (AU) and Economic Community of West African Sates (ECOWAS) launched the African International Support Mission in Mali (AFISMA) in January 2013. Initially with 5300 troops, later expanded to 7700, it was set up to combat terrorism in Mali and prevent its spread to the rest of the Sahel region. In the same year France, in an attempt to retain its supremacy as the primary military actor in the region, launched its own counterterrorism military operations in the Sahel, codenamed Operation Serval with a similar troop count. While the AFISMA was barely mentioned, the French-led mission was extensively covered, a situation that worsened after the United Nations joined the operation. On 1st July, 2013, West African troops were incorporated into the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) established in 2013 with with around 6000 troops, later increased to over 15700. The ECOWAS-AU mission was completely sidelined,paving the way for several European-led missions to enter the Sahel. The French utilized the opportunity to expand its foothold by launching another military operation, Barkhane, in 2014. With 1800 staff, it led the operations of the European Takuba task force, which included staff from Italy, Portugal, Sweden, Estonia, Czech Republic and Belgium. Nevertheless, the quest for an African solution was not quenched, at least in principle. A new attempt to find an African military solution arose in 2014 with the establishment of the G5 Sahel, a union between Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Chad and Mauritania. The FC-GS5, a joint force to combat terrorism, was established by the Nouakchott process, launched by France, Germany and the EU. The United Nations recognized the importance of the FC-GS5 in UNSC resolution 2391(2017), a testament to UNSC resolution 2359(2017), which had earlier called for an African solution to African problems. However, even though the resolutions acknowledged that certain actors are benefiting from the precarious situation in the region, none of the resolutions addressed the historical injustices the countries had faced, neither did they provide for funding. Instead, the resolutions welcomed commitment from an extensive list of former European colonial powers including France, Belgium, Denmark, Italy, Spain and Germany in security operations in the region. Despite the multiplicity of actors, the missions failed to dismantle terrorist networks. Instead, terrorist factions, such as Jama'a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JNIM) and Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (IS-GS) expanded their influence, particularly in Mali and Burkina Faso. UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres admitted as much in a report describing the situation as volatile, following a series of reported cases of civilian and troop massacres by terrorist organizations, forcing former Malian president Keita to consider negotiated settlement with terrorist groups. The volatility was attributed to the consequences of NATO's 'haphazard' intervention in Libya facilitating operations of terrorist groups, fuelling violence in Mali. Coupled with colonial pursuits, the result was greater exploitation of resources of the Sahelian countries. Deputy Prime minister of Mali, Abdoulaye Maiga appealed to the UNSC in September 2024, denouncing support for terrorism by 'foreign state sponsors' in the region. 'After having experienced insecurity imposed by the state of nature, the observation concerning Mali is appalling: Violated, humiliated, pillaged and torpedoed, abandoned in mid-flight and stabbed in the back. The expressions are not exhaustive to describe the suffering undergone by the Malian people and the Defense and Security Forces'. Maiga also recalled that the previous year AES member states had sent a joint letter to the UN Security Council to condemn Ukraine's support for international terrorism; denounce aggression against Mali; and demand that the council take appropriate measures against the Ukrainian government. He criticized France for aggression against Mali and its involvement in promoting terrorism in the Sahel through 'armed, economic and media terrorism'. These claims add to evidence produced by a study conducted by Konate Sinaly, a doctoral researcher at the Mohammed V university in Rabat, Morocco titled The Alliance of Sahel States (AES): Fruit of the failure of the international community. He found that the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad allegedly even held its annual independence celebrations in the Kidal zone in the presence of MINUSMA and the French forces. In November 14, 2023, evidence of mineral extraction was discovered in the Kidal zone, operated by the French Barkhane forces, however it was off limits to Malian forces, only becoming accessible after MINUSMA left in 2023. The attempt to break free from colonial bondage and protect the sovereignty of their countries emboldened military leaders to take over power and establish the AES. This alliance distinguishes itself from the FC-GS5 due to its focus on independence and sovereignty, reflected in the preamble of the Charter of Liptako-Gourma establishing the alliance, which calls for 'the need full exercise and respect of national and international sovereignty'. Even though several pan-Africanists have been directly or indirectly eliminated by colonial ghosts, their ideological legacies persist, unsettling the very structures that sought to erase them. As Nkrumah said, 'I am in the knowledge that death can never extinguish the torch which I have lit in Ghana and Africa. Long after I am dead and gone, the light will continue to burn and be borne aloft, giving light and guidance to all people'.
Mail & Guardian
4 days ago
- Politics
- Mail & Guardian
Open letter to Thabo Mbeki on the crisis in the DRC
Former president Thabo Mbeki. Your Excellency Thabo Mbeki, It is never easy to address publicly a figure of your stature, former president of the Republic of South Africa, architect of the New Economic Partnership for African Development (Nepad) and moral heir to the pan-African struggle of Nelson Mandela. Your life's journey stands as a testament to the historical fight for the dignity of African peoples, the sovereignty of African states and a vision of peace grounded in justice. Precisely because of this extraordinary legacy and the moral authority you represent, your recent remarks in Tanzania, which have been perceived as an implicit endorsement of former president Joseph Kabila's narrative on the crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, have caused deep concern. These statements urgently call for clarification historically, politically and morally, given the responsibilities that come with preserving regional stability. At a time when some manipulate pan-African ideals to legitimise subversive agendas, it is imperative that respected voices on the continent demonstrate strategic discernment and ethical coherence. In a nation at war, words carry weight. They are never neutral. Spoken by a continental authority figure, each word becomes a weapon in the information battlefield. Speech often precedes action. It guides, legitimises and sometimes triggers conflict. What you recently expressed goes beyond neutral commentary. It carries the tone of pre-hostile rhetoric laced with accusatory language, ethnic insinuation and indirect justification of violence. This was not a neutral political analysis. It laid the foundation for a latent casus belli , activating well-known levers in the playbook of information warfare: • Emotional mobilisation through references to ethnic exclusion; • The implicit identification of a Congolese political actor as an obstacle to peace; and • The suggestion that violence may be legitimate when carried out by a 'frustrated' or 'ignored' people. As an expert on regional dynamics, you know full well that such rhetoric in such a volatile context functions as a precursor to violent escalation. In this instance, your words resonate as a veiled forecast of conflict. Your statements reawaken unhealed wounds. The implicit and explicit references to the Luba people of Kasaï and Katangan communities evoke painful memories of the 1992–94 ethnic violence in Katanga, a tragedy many historians consider an attempted ethnic cleansing that displaced more than 800,000 Kasaïans. That violence was, in part, orchestrated by individuals now close to Joseph Kabila, including General John Numbi, currently a fugitive. Your speech risks legitimising a new spiral of tribal violence in a region already on edge. This is not merely a misreading of history, it is a grave political error, one that gives strategic momentum to armed destabilization agendas. What is most striking is the dissonance between the peaceful tone of your speech and its martial undercurrent. On the surface, you call for peace, dialogue and protection of certain communities. Yet beneath that, you echo albeit indirectly justifications often invoked by the M23 rebel group, backed by Rwanda. This dual posture — peace on the surface, mental preparation for war underneath — is a well known tactic in influence strategy. It rests on a simple principle: those who shout loudest against violence before a conflict often turn out to be its most active architects. This is not the legacy of Mandela. It is rather the rhetoric of geopolitical manipulation, where the suffering of Congolese Tutsi communities is exploited for strategic gain. While the concerns of these communities deserve recognition and justice, they cannot under any circumstances justify military aggression against a sovereign state. Excellency, in speaking as you did, you did not speak as a statesman working for continental peace, but as a discursive vector of a war project. Where we expected the voice of a Mandela disciple, we heard instead the voice of a factional tribune tacitly justifying the political overthrow, or even elimination, of a sitting, democratically elected president. At this point in your journey, your moral and political responsibility demands that you weigh every word with the precision of a continental mediator. Today, words can kill literally. It bears repeating, a single word voiced in the press in Dar es Salaam or Johannesburg today can reverberate with tangible consequences in Goma or Kinshasa. Pan-Africanism is not symbolic solidarity or a shared colonial memory. It is built on cooperation between sovereign states, equality among peoples, justice, peace and mutual respect. The role of a pan-African elder is not to choose sides in an armed conflict, but to serve as a moral and diplomatic compass. But what we heard in Tanzania was not a voice of peace. It was a factional narrative, a coded endorsement of destabilization, potentially aimed at a sitting head of state. Let us be clear: the current crisis in eastern DRC is neither a mere governance failure nor a case of 'ethnic marginalisation' . It is a transnational hybrid war disguised as a rebellion, in which the M23 plays the dual role of armed proxy and political facade for Kigali's ambitions. By publicly endorsing Kabila's concerns without simultaneously condemning M23's atrocities you strengthen this hybrid strategy. You grant political credibility to a movement responsible for thousands of deaths and more than seven million displaced people. Even worse, your statements help invert the narrative: any criticism of the rebellion is now recast as ethnic hatred, while the rebellion itself is framed as a legitimate 'popular aspiration'. This manipulation erodes Congolese sovereignty and seriously jeopardises any hope for sustainable peace. Excellency, Africa is entering a new era of hybrid conflicts fueled by identity-based frustration, economic rivalries and manipulated narratives. In this context, our leaders must be more vigilant than ever. The Great Lakes region does not need rhetoricians of conflict disguised as diplomats. It does not need moral sponsors of violence. It needs peace, truth, justice and reconciliation. It needs bridge-builders not grave-diggers. We solemnly urge you to clarify your statements, to denounce all rhetoric of war, and to reclaim your rightful place among Africa's peacemakers. The world is watching. So is History. Respectfully, Roger B Bope Roger B Bope is a security analyst and strategist.
BBC News
17-05-2025
- Politics
- BBC News
How influencers dey use deepfakes, celebrities and misinformation glorify Burkina Faso junta leader Ibrahim Traoré
Smoke dey rise from one building as Beyoncé, dressed in combat gear, ride on one armoured vehicle. Captain Ibrahim Traoré, Burkina Faso military leader, dey di music video too, and fire gun. "God protect Ibrahim Traoré in di battle for di pipo way, break chains from di empire hold," di song lyrics tok. Yet dem no really be Beyoncé or Ibrahim Traoré. Di video na deepfake, a type of content wey dem dey use artificial intelligence create to look real. Hundreds of AI-generated videos portray Oga Traoré as pan-African hero, many wey carry false information, bin don dey flood social media platforms across Sub-Saharan Africa since late April. Di trend dey far-reaching, wit social media users on X, Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, WhatsApp, and YouTube from kontris like Nigeria, Ghana and Kenya, dey tout Oga Traoré as example for oda African leaders. Some influencers call demsefs "pan-Africanists" and build on disappointment wit dia own goments. Authentic versus coordinated support Di 37-year-old military junta leader wey take power of di West African nation for 2022 present imsef as champion of anti-imperialism, criticise wetin e see as di interference of Western powers, particularly France, while e dey position Russia as a strategic ally. Under Oga Traoré, Burkina Faso don experience democratic decline, wit reports say dem dey detain journalists and critics and dey drafted into di army. One recent report by Human Rights Watch accuse goment forces say dem kill at least 100 civilians for one attack for March. But Oga Traoré many public appearances and portrayal of "simple" leader don help build a powerful image wey resonate both internationally and for Burkina Faso, draw crowds of supporters to di streets of capital Ouagadougou. Some describe am as a "reincarnation" of Thomas Sankara, di iconic former military leader of Burkina Faso wey dem assassinate for 1987 following one coup. Observers say many young Africans don tire wit di status quo and dia goments and dey sympathetic to some of Oga Traoré key messages like to dey question ties wit di West. E dey known as skilled orator and dey media-savvy, wey also help explain why some view am as leader to emulate. While concrete support of Oga Traoré across Africa dey, "di increase in AI-generated content wey dem dey use to drive dis narratives suggest say e no dey organic," Eliud Akwei, one senior investigative analyst for Code for Africa, one nonprofit wey dey investigate disinformation on di continent, tok. Some AI-narrated videos bin pretend say dem be professional news reports, even though dem carry misleading claims about Oga Traoré or im goment. One video wey claim say one of Oga Traoré guards "dey offered $5 million to kill am" don generate over 1 million views. Though Burkina Faso don report coup attempts against Oga Traoré since e take power, no evidence to support say dis happun. One particularly popular video wit 4.5 million views tell di story of one fictional incident on a plane wia Oga Traoré, no dey recognised by one flight attendant, dem ask am to leave im seat in business class in favour of one French businessman. Although dis specific video dey labelled as "work of fiction", multiple YouTube channels bin retell di story as if e be one incident wey actually happun. Dr Lassane Ouedraogo, Assistant Professor of Communications from Ohio University wey come from Burkina Faso, say "some of di social media posts na wishful thinking. Some of dem na true facts, but rendered wit plenti exaggeration". Meanwhile, deep-fake music videos don emerge as new tactic in di campaign, wey feature celebrities like Selena Gomez and Rihanna alongside Oga Traoré. Over 40 dey uploaded to YouTube within one single week. We bin speak to di Nigerian creator of one deepfake video wey feature Traoré alongside singer R. Kelly, wey draw 1.8 million views. "Di only reason I do am na di 'Ibrahim Traoré' effect," 33-year-old Oguji Nnamdi Kenneth wey define imsef as a fan of di West African leader tok. E say di video earn am $2000 through YouTube monetisation. "Na purely AI. I think say pipo suppose know. I no dey here to deceive anyone." Gold reserves Pan-Africanist social media accounts bin first start to boost Oga Traoré' profile wen e bin fly to St. Petersburg for di Russia-Africa Summit for July 2023. Pictures of am wit Russian President Vladmir Putin and im speech dey widely circulated online, including by Russian state media, wey don notably boosted Oga Traoré' profile for di region. Anoda spike of Traoré support and propaganda start for dis year early April, afta allegations dey raised for di United States. During one US Senate hearing, di head of Africom, General Michael Langley, accuse President Traoré say e use di kontri gold reserves to protect im regime. Dis bin spark one wave of pan-Africanist social media posts wey claim say di US aim to remove am from power. Multiple posts bin carry false information. On 22 April, one account wit almost one million followers on X bin post say Langley tell di United States Senate say "di President of Burkina Faso, Ibrahim Traoré, na threat to im pipo". But wetin Oga Langley tok, according to di transcript of di hearing wey di BBC see, na say di proceeds from gold reserves for Burkina Faso be "just one exchange to protect di junta". Data from Code for Africa show say afta Oga Langley statement, one network of 165 Facebook accounts use identical messaging to amplify one false claim say Russian president Vladimir Putin bin send special forces to protect Oga Traoré against di US, and e generate over 10.9 million views in just 10 days. In reality, Russian soldiers already dey Burkina Faso for counterterrorism operations, wey no relate to di US comments. On X, anoda user bin post one clip of a large gathering of pipo. "Look at di crowds of pipo wey dey march in France for Ibrahim Traoré and Burkina Faso sovereignty," di user write. One reverse search of one scene from di clip show, however, say one of di buildings inside di video na Orthodox church St. Mark, for Belgrade, Serbia. Di video portray one anti-goment protest for Belgrade for March 2025. Di shared video get 3,000 likes and no dey identified on di social media platform as false. From im home for Ghana, blogger Sulemana Mohammed bin post di same video on Facebook, and allege say e show one pro-Traoré demonstration for South Africa. Even afta di BBC say no be true, Oga Mohammed kontinu to stand by im claim. "E just dey so funny wen pipo make am look like wetin we say about our leaders no be true," e tok. Mohammed wey be self-described pan-Africanist say e admire Oga Traoré sake of say "e don become wetin di African pipo don dey look for all dis years".
Washington Post
13-05-2025
- Politics
- Washington Post
Africa's youngest leader, a friend of Russia, is celebrated by some and criticized by others
ABUJA, Nigeria — As news emerged this week about hundreds of Burkina Faso citizens killed separately by both jihadi groups and government forces , images of Burkina Faso's junta leader Capt. Ibrahim Traore were plastered over Russian state media speaking about pan-Africanism and liberating the minds of the continent's youths.
The Independent
13-05-2025
- Politics
- The Independent
Africa's youngest leader, a friend of Russia, is celebrated by some and criticized by others
As news emerged this week about hundreds of Burkina Faso citizens killed separately by both jihadi groups and government forces, images of Burkina Faso's junta leader Capt. Ibrahim Traore were plastered over Russian state media speaking about pan-Africanism and liberating the minds of the continent's youths. Traore, who was in Moscow for the 80th anniversary of the defeat of Nazi Germany in World War II, is Africa's youngest leader at 37, a strong appeal for the continent's young population that is used to much older leaders. Since coming to power in September 2022 after the country's second coup that year, he has dwelt on a rhetoric of self-reliance and independence from the West, particularly former colonial ruler France — a message that often resonates with young Africans and the diaspora. Why is Traore trending The latest Traore frenzy reached a new peak late April with a solidarity march in the country's capital, Ouagadougou, following an alleged coup attempt and comments by Gen. Michael Langley, the head of U.S. military in Africa, accusing the Burkina Faso leader of misusing the country's gold reserves. Following the 2022 coup that brought him to power, Traore promised to end the country's decadeslong deadly security crisis and leverage its rich mineral resources for the benefit of its 24 million citizens. Alongside the coup-hit nations of Niger and Mali, Burkina Faso has since severed ties with the regional bloc of ECOWAS — criticized by many young Africans as representing the interest of leaders and not the citizens — as well as longstanding Western allies such as France, whose military provided security support to the government for many years to help its security crisis. Analysts and locals suggest that these factors, combined with his youth, have contributed to Traore's appeal among young Africans. 'There is a growing consciousness among African youth at home and abroad that they need to do something about the continent's lack of progress,' said Richard Alandu, a Ghanaian living near the border with Burkina Faso. 'It appears Traore has become the face of that consciousness.' How has Traore fared as Burkina Faso's junta leader The security crisis that Traore vowed to resolve has worsened instead, slowing the country's overall economic development and preventing most citizens from benefiting from its mineral wealth, according to analysts and researchers' data. 'There has been no real progress on the ground' in Burkina Faso, said Gbara Awanen, a professor of international relations and security studies at Nigeria's Baze University, who specializes in West Africa. 'A lot of it is just sleek propaganda." Data from the U.S.-based Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, or ACLED, shows that while 2,894 people were killed by both government and armed groups during the year before the 2022 coup, the number has more than doubled to at least 7,200 in the last year. Analysts say the attacks have worsened to the point that Ouagadougou is now increasingly threatened, with more than 60% of the country outside of government control. At least 2.1 million people have lost their homes as a result of the violence, and almost 6.5 million need humanitarian aid to survive, conservative estimates show. Propaganda rhythms Babacar Ndiaye, a senior fellow at the Senegal-based Timbuktu Institute for Peace Studies, attributes the current frenzy surrounding Traore primarily to his popularity — and Russia-driven propaganda Despite Burkina Faso's worsening security crisis, Traore still has 'so much resonance and interest simply because of propaganda,' Ndiaye said. 'In Africa, there is deep frustration with the traditional leadership, so there is polarized anger towards a scapegoat that is the west.' West Africa, meanwhile, has a history of young men seizing power as exemplified by John Jerry Rawlings in Ghana, Samuel Doe in Liberia and Thomas Sankara in Burkina Faso, all in the 1980s. That history, placed against the perceived failure of Western-style democracy in Africa, has helped to create conditions for idolizing the likes of Traore. Still, allegations of propaganda do not adequately explain the excitement that has built up around Africa's youngest ruler, according to Chidi Odinkalu, an Africa analyst and professor at Tufts University. 'Traore articulates a revolutionary message that is appealing to a young population frustrated by the thievery of what passes for 'democracy' in their own countries,' said Odinkalu. ____
