Armed, economic and media terrorism: What is France doing in Africa?

Russia Today

09-06-2025

'Our enemies are many and they stand ready to exploit our every weakness,' but 'Neither brutality nor cruelty nor torture will ever bring me to ask for mercy, for I prefer to die with my head unbowed, my faith unshakable and with profound trust in the destiny of my country, rather than live under subjection'.
These statements by Kwame Nkrumah and Patrice Lumumba capture the predicaments of the members of the Alliance of Sahel States, comprising Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger (AES) which have faced relentless terrorist insurgencies despite decades of military operations by former colonial powers.
More than a security pact, the AES is sending a message of unequivocal rejection to neocolonial projects, signaling a shift towards absolute sovereignty, investing in local solutions and industrialization and building new strategic alliances.
However, history offers a cautionary reminder to Africans that pan-Africanists like Patrice Lumumba, Muammar Gaddafi and Kwame Nkrumah paid the ultimate price for such ambitions, either with their lives or being overthrown through coups supported by the invisible hands of the colonial ghosts. To this end, the move by the AES is a daring bid to end what it considers neocolonialism. But will the beneficiaries of the old order allow them to succeed?
Africa has been a theatre of conflict since the imperial partition of the continent by colonial powers at the Berlin conference 1884/1885. The colonial states carved up the continent without considering the kingdoms or ethnicities that existed at the time, leading to series of inter-ethnic clashes and conflicts between the imperial powers and the colonies.
In the Sahel, the colonial footprint remains profound as all three members of the Alliance of Sahel States (Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger) were formally allocated to France as colonies following the partition. Using the policy of assimilation, these countries were directly placed under the French ministry of colonies by 1895 as an integral part of the French West African colonies until its dissolution in 1960.
The integration by the French in the 18th century was a calculated response to strengthen its economic and military power and address demographic imbalances to counter arch-rival Germany, whose population had burgeoned while that of France had stagnated.
An assertion that was admitted by French president Charles De Gaulle on April 11, 1961:
'We French were building our Empire at a time when our domestic activity had reached a kind of ceiling: industry that barely innovated; agriculture that did not involve change; unchanging trade flows; fixed wages and salaries […]. On the other hand, our ambitions were here: European sovereignty and natural borders collided with the barriers of the treaties of 1815 and, after 1870, with the unity and strength of a threatening Germany. So, we sought in distant territories a new career for our surplus entrepreneurial resources, a complement to our prestige, soldiers for our defense. […] What France has achieved in this capacity and in this form overseas, it has no reason to regret at all… always brings honor to France'.
As colonialism waned, France insisted upon keeping these countries under its influence.
Consequently, Paris ruled out any form of autonomy outside the French empire. This was emphasized by the then French Commissioner for the Colonies, René Pleven, during the Brazzaville Conference on January 30, 1944. He said: 'There are populations whom we intend to lead step by step to personality, and the most mature of them will be given political franchise, but they desire no independence other than French independence'.
However, this move culminated in chaos as countries such as Guinea defiantly rejected every effort to remain a lifetime colony. France used brute-force to sabotage critical sectors of the country, such as the power grid and sewage system, in what was known as Operation Persil. Consequently, other colonies in Africa, including all three members of the AES, succumbed to Paris' demands, placing their security and economy under the influence of the French government as part of the neo-colonial Francafrique policy.
France signed several accords with Francophone African countries which became known as the Francafrique. The accords actually legitimized French military intervention in the African countries. According to the Taiwan Center for Security studies, the accords included French military installations, the French West Africa zone with the ESF (éléments français au Sénégal) – created with the stated goals of keeping an eye on all of West Africa – and granted unhindered permission to France to use military force to intervene in any signatory nation.
France utilized this as an opportunity to defend pro-French regimes, such as that of Mobutu Sese Seko in resource-rich Zaire (now DR Congo), Leon M'Ba in Gabon in 1964, and to overthrew leaders that threatened French interests through coups such as the Palace coup at Bangui and the ascent to power of the pro-French ruler, David Dacko in Central African Republic.
In the 21st century, French security cooperation in West Africa has largely taken the form of counterterrorism operations, as all the Sahelian States have been blighted by terrorism.
In an attempt to find African solutions through regional security initiatives, the African Union (AU) and Economic Community of West African Sates (ECOWAS) launched the African International Support Mission in Mali (AFISMA) in January 2013. Initially with 5300 troops, later expanded to 7700, it was set up to combat terrorism in Mali and prevent its spread to the rest of the Sahel region. In the same year France, in an attempt to retain its supremacy as the primary military actor in the region, launched its own counterterrorism military operations in the Sahel, codenamed Operation Serval with a similar troop count.
While the AFISMA was barely mentioned, the French-led mission was extensively covered, a situation that worsened after the United Nations joined the operation.
On 1st July, 2013, West African troops were incorporated into the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) established in 2013 with with around 6000 troops, later increased to over 15700. The ECOWAS-AU mission was completely sidelined,paving the way for several European-led missions to enter the Sahel.
The French utilized the opportunity to expand its foothold by launching another military operation, Barkhane, in 2014. With 1800 staff, it led the operations of the European Takuba task force, which included staff from Italy, Portugal, Sweden, Estonia, Czech Republic and Belgium.
Nevertheless, the quest for an African solution was not quenched, at least in principle. A new attempt to find an African military solution arose in 2014 with the establishment of the G5 Sahel, a union between Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Chad and Mauritania. The FC-GS5, a joint force to combat terrorism, was established by the Nouakchott process, launched by France, Germany and the EU.
The United Nations recognized the importance of the FC-GS5 in UNSC resolution 2391(2017), a testament to UNSC resolution 2359(2017), which had earlier called for an African solution to African problems. However, even though the resolutions acknowledged that certain actors are benefiting from the precarious situation in the region, none of the resolutions addressed the historical injustices the countries had faced, neither did they provide for funding.
Instead, the resolutions welcomed commitment from an extensive list of former European colonial powers including France, Belgium, Denmark, Italy, Spain and Germany in security operations in the region.
Despite the multiplicity of actors, the missions failed to dismantle terrorist networks. Instead, terrorist factions, such as Jama'a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JNIM) and Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (IS-GS) expanded their influence, particularly in Mali and Burkina Faso. UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres admitted as much in a report describing the situation as volatile, following a series of reported cases of civilian and troop massacres by terrorist organizations, forcing former Malian president Keita to consider negotiated settlement with terrorist groups.
The volatility was attributed to the consequences of NATO's 'haphazard' intervention in Libya facilitating operations of terrorist groups, fuelling violence in Mali. Coupled with colonial pursuits, the result was greater exploitation of resources of the Sahelian countries.
Deputy Prime minister of Mali, Abdoulaye Maiga appealed to the UNSC in September 2024, denouncing support for terrorism by 'foreign state sponsors' in the region.
'After having experienced insecurity imposed by the state of nature, the observation concerning Mali is appalling: Violated, humiliated, pillaged and torpedoed, abandoned in mid-flight and stabbed in the back. The expressions are not exhaustive to describe the suffering undergone by the Malian people and the Defense and Security Forces'.
Maiga also recalled that the previous year AES member states had sent a joint letter to the UN Security Council to condemn Ukraine's support for international terrorism; denounce aggression against Mali; and demand that the council take appropriate measures against the Ukrainian government.
He criticized France for aggression against Mali and its involvement in promoting terrorism in the Sahel through 'armed, economic and media terrorism'.
These claims add to evidence produced by a study conducted by Konate Sinaly, a doctoral researcher at the Mohammed V university in Rabat, Morocco titled The Alliance of Sahel States (AES): Fruit of the failure of the international community. He found that the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad allegedly even held its annual independence celebrations in the Kidal zone in the presence of MINUSMA and the French forces.
In November 14, 2023, evidence of mineral extraction was discovered in the Kidal zone, operated by the French Barkhane forces, however it was off limits to Malian forces, only becoming accessible after MINUSMA left in 2023.
The attempt to break free from colonial bondage and protect the sovereignty of their countries emboldened military leaders to take over power and establish the AES. This alliance distinguishes itself from the FC-GS5 due to its focus on independence and sovereignty, reflected in the preamble of the Charter of Liptako-Gourma establishing the alliance, which calls for 'the need full exercise and respect of national and international sovereignty'.
Even though several pan-Africanists have been directly or indirectly eliminated by colonial ghosts, their ideological legacies persist, unsettling the very structures that sought to erase them.
As Nkrumah said, 'I am in the knowledge that death can never extinguish the torch which I have lit in Ghana and Africa. Long after I am dead and gone, the light will continue to burn and be borne aloft, giving light and guidance to all people'.