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India Today
6 days ago
- Sport
- India Today
ENG vs IND: Broad, Buttler believe chirpy Sundar, Nitish fuelled England's Lord's win
England's 22-run victory over India in the third Test at Lord's was a thrilling affair, and according to former England pacer Stuart Broad and white-ball wicketkeeper Jos Buttler, the on-field antics of India's Nitish Kumar Reddy and Washington Sundar played a big role in firing up the home game, which ended dramatically on Day 5, was closely contested, with India set a target of 193 runs. Despite India's early setbacks on Day 4, Sundar remained confident, declaring in a Sky Sports interview that India would win-likely before lunch on Day India winning, probably just after lunch We are sitting pretty, and we will come out positive. We have some solid batters in the dressing room," said Sundar. But Sundar's confidence appeared to backfire. England, spurred on by the remarks, raised their intensity-led by a fiery Jofra Archer and captain Ben Stokes. Sundar's bold prediction came back to haunt him when he was dismissed for a duck early on Day 5, caught off Archer's own vs IND, 3rd TEST HIGHLIGHTS | SCORECARDButtler, reflecting on Sundar's comments, said they became a motivator for England heading into the final day. Speaking on the For the Love of Cricket podcast, he explained:"There's a little clip of when Washington came out to bat and Brendon McCullum over the balcony, sort of telling everyone to raise it-it's the guy who's been chirping."According to Buttler, Sundar had unknowingly put a target on his back with his confident remarks."You set yourself up, don't you? It's horrible. But now everyone knows what I've said in the media last night, and everyone's after me. Even McCullum-possibly the only time he didn't have his feet up-he's leant forward to say, 'Come on. Let's ramp it up for this guy,'" said of a traditional pep talk, England needed no more motivation than Sundar's interview."I wonder if he's just sort of, you know, got his words out wrong, but it was proper incredible confidence. 'Yeah, we're going to win.' Someone will have heard that in the dressing room. It's almost like instead of anyone saying anything this morning for England, you could have just played that interview-and that would have got people so fired up."Meanwhile, Stuart Broad also reflected on how India's Nitish Kumar Reddy became a focal point of England's aggression following his vocal presence in the slips. Reddy had exchanged words with England's openers Zak Crawley and Ben Duckett earlier in the match. Broad explained that Archer's fiery spell was a deliberate move by the team to "meet fire with fire.""Jofra bowled quick-his fastest spell in an England shirt-up the hill at the Nursery End, flying through at 92 miles an hour. I said, 'God, I've never seen you as fired up as that.' Actually, it was a team plan. They've (India) had a go at Zak Crawley. We've got to meet fire with fire here," said plan became evident when Archer greeted Reddy with a sharp bouncer on the first ball he faced on Day 5-followed by the entire England team closing in to make their intentions clear. Broad described the moment as a coordinated response:"Ben Duckett, Harry Brook, Joe Rooty-getting stuck into Reddy-because reports came back from the middle when Crawley and Duckett were out there that Reddy was the most vocal."For England, the win highlighted their ability to remain composed under pressure-but it also underscored the power of words in high-stakes moments. As Broad and Buttler pointed out, it's often those bold predictions and heated exchanges that ignite a team's fire, shift momentum, and ultimately, change the course of a match.- EndsTune InYou May Also Like
Hans India
24-06-2025
- Business
- Hans India
Tankers U-turn, zig-zag, pause around Hormuz
Singapore/London: At least two supertankers made U-turns near the Strait of Hormuz following US military strikes on Iran, shiptracking data shows, as more than a week of violence in the region prompts vessels to speed, pause, or alter their journeys. Washington's decision to join Israel's attacks on Iran has stoked fears that Iran could retaliate by closing the strait between Iran and Oman through which around 20% of global oil and gas demand flows. That has spurred forecasts of oil surging to $100 a barrel. Both Brent and West Texas Intermediate crude hit fresh five-month highs on Monday in choppy trade as investors weighed the potential risks to supply. Shipping rates for supertankers, which can carry 2 million barrels of oil, have also soared, more than doubling in a week to over $60,000 a day, freight data shows. The Coswisdom Lake, a very large crude carrier supertanker, reached the strait on Sunday before making a U-turn and heading south, Kpler and LSEG data showed. On Monday it turned back again, resuming its journey towards the port of Zirku in the United Arab Emirates. The South Loyalty, also a VLCC, made a similar U-turn and remained outside the strait on Monday, LSEG data showed. It was scheduled to load crude from Iraq's Basra terminal, according to Kpler data and two shipping sources. The Coswisdom Lake was scheduled to load crude at Zirku for delivery to China. It was chartered by Unipec, a trading arm of China's state-run Sinopec Singapore-based Sentosa Shipbrokers said that over the past week, empty tankers entering the Gulf are down 32% while loaded tanker departures are down 27% from early May levels.
Atlantic
22-06-2025
- Politics
- Atlantic
Latinos Vote Differently Under Threat
Recently, in Los Angeles, protesters waving Mexican flags amid burning vehicles and law enforcement in riot gear have resurrected memories of 1994, when similar scenes defined Latino political identity for a generation. During that year's movement against California Proposition 187, which sought to bar undocumented immigrants from accessing education, health care, and social services, Latino citizens banded together with recent arrivals of varying legal status in solidarity. This was a catalyzing moment that spurred many Latinos not only in California, but across the country, to understand themselves as an aggrieved ethnic minority, and to vote as a bloc. Now, three decades later, something similar might be taking place. The escalation of immigration raids around Los Angeles and Donald Trump's deployment of military forces—over Governor Gavin Newsom's objection—to quell anti-ICE protests have heightened fears among many Latinos that they are under systemic attack. The forcible removal of Senator Alex Padilla from Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem's press conference after he tried to ask her about ICE raids has only added to the unease. Even though many social metrics suggest that Latinos are assimilating into the U.S. mainstream, the MAGA movement keeps reminding them that it does not consider them fully American. On Friday, Vice President J. D. Vance, who served in the Senate with Padilla, mocked him and called him 'José Padilla.' Out of dissatisfaction with the economy under Joe Biden, more Latinos voted for Trump in November than in his two previous bids. That historic showing was widely viewed as a turn away from ethnic politics. The reality is more nuanced: Latinos have always been primarily focused on economic issues, but they will coalesce as an ethnic voting bloc when they sense a serious threat to their community. American Latinos are a diverse group. Many see themselves as a mainstay of the country's working class and as strivers eager to build a better life for their family. Latinos responded strongly to the Trumpist GOP's economic populism. Last year, Latino voters told pollsters that issues such as inflation, jobs, and housing costs were their highest priorities; immigration was farther down the list. The overwhelming majority of Latino voters today were born in the United States; from 2002 to 2022, the proportion of newly registered Latino voters in Los Angeles County who were foreign-born dropped from 54 percent to less than 9 percent. This helps explain why immigration issues resonated less among Latinos in November than at any other point in the past three decades. NBC News exit polls estimated that 46 percent of Latinos voted for Trump last year, up from 32 percent in 2020. Other researchers estimated that Trump improved his standing among Latino men by 35 points, narrowly winning the demographic. The rightward shift wasn't an abandonment of Latino identity; it was an expression of these voters' sense of what they, and people like them, want from their government. Aspiring Latino families, hit hard by inflation and housing costs, responded to promises of economic relief. Since Trump's inauguration, his support among Latinos has dropped—a trend that was first detectable after the president's 'Liberation Day' tariff announcements sapped consumer confidence and cast global financial markets into chaos. In a mid-April poll of Latino voters, 60 percent said that Trump and congressional Republicans were not focusing on bringing down the cost of everyday goods, and 66 percent thought that tariffs would raise prices and hurt their economic security. Read: Why did Latinos vote for Trump? Now Trump's immigration crackdown in California and elsewhere is undoubtedly adding to his declining position among Latinos. According to a poll last month, Latino respondents agreed by a 66–29 margin that Trump's 'actions are going too far and targeting the types of immigrants who strengthen our nation.' When immigration enforcement is perceived as targeting entire communities rather than focusing narrowly on dangerous criminals, it activates deeper questions about belonging and acceptance in American society. When that happens, the effects can be long-lasting. In 1994, Proposition 187's anti-immigrant provisions generated massive Latino turnout against Republicans, fundamentally reshaping the state's political landscape to Democrats' advantage. In the midterms of 2018, Trump's immigration rhetoric and family-separation policies drove another wave of Latino political mobilization, contributing to Democratic gains across the country. That year, in the midst of ICE raids in communities, Latino voters increased voter turnout to its highest level in midterm history; they cast ballots against Republicans by an equally historic margin. The recent L.A. protests represent a potential third such moment. The rough treatment of Padilla, a California native of Mexican ancestry, at Noem's press conference exemplified how Trump's moves against immigrants could bring harm to U.S.-born Latinos as well. In a fiery Senate speech days after Homeland Security agents pushed him to the floor and handcuffed him, Padilla focused mostly on the Trump administration's extreme and un-American use of executive power. Yet he was implicitly making another point: Not even an MIT graduate who is a U.S. senator for his home state has a secure seat at the American table. Padilla is separated by a generation from the immigrant experience, but he was still forced out of an event in a government building. Recent events are resonating with Latinos outside California—even in South Florida, where Cuban Americans are a core Republican constituency. In October, Florida International University's poll of likely Cuban American voters in Miami-Dade County reported that 68 percent intended to vote for Trump, by far the largest level of support for him on record. Yet Trump's recent immigration actions—including his decision to end the humanitarian parole program for Cubans, revoking temporary legal status for thousands of immigrants—are testing these loyalties. 'This is not what we voted for,' State Senator Ileana Garcia, a co-founder of Latinas for Trump, declared on X earlier this month. Across the country, Latino votes are very much in play. Fully one-third of all Latino voters today were not even alive when Proposition 187 was on the ballot. As images of federal agents confronting Latino protesters spread across social media and prompt kitchen-table conversations, the question isn't whether Latinos will remain politically engaged; it's which party will better understand the full dimensions of Latino political identity. Democrats cannot assume Latino support based solely on opposition to harsh immigration policies, and Republicans cannot maintain Latino voters through economic appeals alone if those same voters feel that their communities are under siege.
Business Times
17-06-2025
- Business
- Business Times
Trump tax bill to boost Biden's chip tax credit to 30%
[WASHINGTON] The Senate's draft tax bill calls for increasing an investment credit for semiconductor manufacturers, a potential boon for chipmakers that the Trump administration is urging to increase the size of their US projects. The measure would increase the tax credit to 30 per cent of investments in plants, up from 25 per cent, giving chipmakers further incentive to break ground on new facilities before an existing 2026 deadline. Companies that start projects by the end of next year can continue to claim credits for continuous construction after that date – a policy that's designed to get sites up and running while recognising that chip factories take years to build. The tax credit is one of the key incentives on offer from the 2022 Chips and Science Act, a bipartisan law that was a pillar of president Joe Biden's domestic policy. The programme also includes US$39 billion in grants and up to US$75 billion in loans for manufacturing projects, designed to boost the American semiconductor industry after decades of production shifting to Asia. The tax credit, which is not capped, was already likely to be costlier than those other forms of subsidies – a function of how much investment the Chips Act has spurred. In almost every case, it will account for the greatest share of Chips Act incentives going to any one company, including those that did not win grant awards. Major beneficiaries of the grant programme include Intel, Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC), Samsung Electronics and Micron Technology. BT in your inbox Start and end each day with the latest news stories and analyses delivered straight to your inbox. Sign Up Sign Up US President Donald Trump earlier this year called for repealing the Chips Act, but lawmakers in both parties have shown little desire to eliminate subsidies that provide high-paying jobs in their districts, in a sector seen as critical to national security. The Commerce Department, meanwhile, has continued to implement the grant programme – while urging larger investments and reworking terms of awards that took months to negotiate. 'We are getting more value for the same US dollars,' Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick said this month. Bloomberg reported in March that Lutnick's team had signalled to chipmakers that it could withhold promised grants if companies do not boost the size of their projects. At the same time, Lutnick had expressed interest in expanding the size of the Chips Act tax credit, sources familiar with the matter had said, though it was unclear by how much. So far, the Trump administration has secured increases in promised investment from TSMC, Micron and GlobalFoundries – which the White House has touted as evidence that Trump's policies are working. None of those included additional Chips Act grants beyond what had already been finalised or proposed. Still, more company spending on projects very likely means more foregone government revenue in the form of tax credits – a number that would grow if the Senate bill becomes law. The tax credit is 'where the money is', Haviv Ilan – the chief executive officer of Texas Instruments, which won a US$1.6 billion Chips Act grant under the Biden administration – said last month. Trump's team has shown an 'openness' to tax credits, Haviv said: 'I don't like subsidies as well. I think it's a discretionary decision of someone, and they pull in all kinds of other stuff to it. So, there is a lot of bad connotation to it, rightfully so.' Senators are hoping to send the tax bill – which calls for trillions of US dollars' worth of tax cuts for households and businesses – to Trump's desk by the Jul 4 holiday. The bill is likely to undergo revisions in the Senate before it receives a floor vote. The House will also have to approve the final version before it can become law. BLOOMBERG
Yahoo
12-06-2025
- Automotive
- Yahoo
Trump wants to get rid of his red Tesla after feud with Musk
Tesla is no longer hot, the president says. After playing influencer-in-chief and hosting a car show in the South Lawn of the White House for the brand in March, Donald Trump is considering getting rid of his red Tesla, a day after his public spat with his close adviser and Tesla CEO Elon Musk. A White House official confirmed on background June 6 that Trump no longer wants the Tesla Model S he bought in March in a show of support for the company after incidents of vandalism at Tesla dealerships across the country. The electric car, worth about $80,000 new, still sits in the White House parking lot. Trump said he was 'very disappointed' with Musk, who served as the head of the Department of Government Efficiency, a position from which Trump revealed Musk was asked to leave last month. 'Elon was wearing thin,' Trump posted on Truth Social, seemingly indicating that Musk had worn out his welcome. Musk lobbed a series of online jabs at Trump's signature tax and spending bill after he left the White House, calling it a 'disgusting abomination' and asking Americans to tell their representatives in Washington to "Kill the Bill." Trump said Musk was upset about electric vehicle subsidies from the bill that would have benefited Tesla. The Congressional Budget Office has said the bill would lead to an increase of $2.4 trillion in total deficits over the next 10 years, a figure Trump has disputed. The feud reached an apparent point of no return after Musk accused Trump of being named in classified files on financier and sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. A White House official told USA TODAY on background on June 6 that Trump had no plans to have any contact with Musk. Throughout his tenure as the cost-cutting czar, Musk has suffered ongoing losses for the car company. His deep cuts to federal staffing and programs spurred "Tesla Takedown" protests, with Tesla owners being harassed and multiple dealerships across the United States being vandalized. On March 11, Tesla's stock price plummeted 15%, the greatest one-day drop in five years. In the aftermath of the June 6 feud, Tesla's stock price fell 14% but showed signs of rebounding on Friday by 5%, trading at $300 on NASDAQ at 10:50 a.m. This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: Trump wants to dump his red Tesla
