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Saudi Arabia's first THAAD battery is now fully operational, top US general says
Saudi Arabia's first THAAD battery is now fully operational, top US general says

Al Arabiya

time3 days ago

  • Politics
  • Al Arabiya

Saudi Arabia's first THAAD battery is now fully operational, top US general says

Saudi Arabia's first Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) battery is now fully operational, the US Central Command (CENTCOM) commander Gen. Erik Kurilla said on Thursday after a recent trip to the Middle East. Kurilla went to Saudi Arabia from June 30 to July 1, according to a readout of his visit, where he met with Saudi Armed Forces Chief of General Staff Gen. Fayyad bin Hamed Al-Ruwaili. Discussions centered on shared security concerns and strengthening the military-to-military relationship, including cooperation and interoperability, according to CENTCOM. 'Gen. Kurilla congratulated the Royal Saudi Armed Forces on achieving full operational capability of their first Theater High Altitude Air Defense (THAAD) system on 1 July,' CENTCOM said. While in Saudi Arabia, Kurilla also met with the chief of staff of the Yemeni Armed Forces. The pair discussed regional threats and efforts to maintain freedom of navigation in the Red Sea and the Bab al-Mandab Strait. Last month, the State Department approved a $3.5 billion for the sale of advanced missiles and weapons to Saudi Arabia. The agreement involves the sale of 1,000 Advanced Medium-Range Air-to-Air Missiles (AMRAAM) and 50 AIM-120C-8 AMRAAM guidance sections to the Kingdom. Washington also approved the sale of precision-guided weapon systems to Saudi Arabia in March. Kurilla visits other capitals in the region The outgoing CENTCOM chief also stopped in Qatar, Jordan, Israel and Greece to visit the US servicemembers "involved in the defense of US forces and interests across the region." Kurilla visited Al-Udeid Air Base in Qatar to visit the US troops who took down ballistic missiles targeting the base, launched by Iran in retaliation for the US bombing of three Iranian nuclear sites. In Jordan, Kurilla met with US forces and senior Jordanian military officials. He hailed the Jordanian Armed Forces, 'which continues to serve as a steadfast and capable strategic partner for peace and stability in the region.' The US general went to Israel on July 2 to visit US service members deployed there 'in defense of US citizens and the state of Israel.' His meetings with Israeli officials were to review the recent Iran-Israel war, according to the Israeli army, which said it 'expresses deep appreciation [to the US] for the strategic cooperation' during the 12-Day War. Kurilla met with US Navy personnel in Crete, Greece, and thanked them for supporting CENTCOM through ballistic missile defense, maritime security operations, and other efforts. 'At every stop on this trip, I saw firsthand the professionalism, competence, and skill of our servicemembers and the immense value they bring to our partnerships,' Kurilla said. 'They are also the cornerstone of our regional relationships that are critical to regional stability, deterrence, and readiness.'

Unusual Article In Qatari Government Daily Criticizes Iran Following Its Attack On CENTCOM Base In Qatar: We Do Not Fear Conflict With Iran
Unusual Article In Qatari Government Daily Criticizes Iran Following Its Attack On CENTCOM Base In Qatar: We Do Not Fear Conflict With Iran

Memri

time5 days ago

  • Politics
  • Memri

Unusual Article In Qatari Government Daily Criticizes Iran Following Its Attack On CENTCOM Base In Qatar: We Do Not Fear Conflict With Iran

Iran's June 23, 2025 missile attack on the U.S. CENTCOM Al-Udeid Air Base was a symbolic strike that had been coordinated in advance with the Qatari and American authorities. Its purpose was to allow Iran to save face by responding to the U.S. attack on its nuclear facilities but without causing casualties or damage.[1] The target – Qatar (rather than Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain or Jordan) – was chosen by Iran because this country is an ally, and therefore coordinating the attack with it in advance allowed Iran to avoid the risk of escalation.[2] Moreover, Qatar serves as a mediator between Iran and the U.S. Despite Iran's attack on Qatar's territory, the Qatari media was restrained in its response to this country, and preferred to blame the escalation on Israel.[3] This messaging aligns with the policy of Qatar, which expressed unwavering support for Iran throughout the war with Israel,[4] including after the U.S. strike on Iran's nuclear facilities.[5] In contrast to this line, the Qatari government daily Al-Sharq published an unusual article in response to the Iranian missile attack on Al-Udeid base, which was removed from the newspaper's website a few hours after its publication. The article, by Sa'ud bin Mubarak Al-Nasser, a researcher of political science and international relations, included criticism of the attack and even a threat of Qatari retaliation. Calling the Iranian strike on Qatari territory "an unjustified escalation" that "directly threatens Qatar's allies," the article emphasized that Qatar "rejects dictates and does not fear conflict when it comes to its honor and sovereignty," that "the era of silence has passed," and that, although Qatar is not an aggressive state, "it is prepared for any possibility." Interception of Iranian missiles over Qatar in video circulated by Qatar's Defense Ministry ( June 26, 2025) The following are translated excerpts from Al-Nasser's article:[6] "At a time when our region is in need of calm, commitment to development, and cooperative bridgebuilding, the State of Qatar was surprised by a criminal Iranian missile attack aimed at the American [CENTCOM] Al-Udeid Air Base, in a clear challenge to the sovereignty of the state, the principles of international law, and the principles of good neighborliness, which are the basis for stability in the Gulf region. "Qatar, with its wise leadership, remains a wise and rational voice in the region. It has invested enormous efforts in neutralizing crises, whether through direct mediation or through support for multilateral humanitarian and diplomatic initiatives. Therefore, striking Qatar is a strike on the role of the mediator, and an attack on its territory is an attack on the logic of balance and peace. What increases the severity of this act is that it was carried out against a country that has never attacked Iran, but has always striven for restraint and for prioritizing diplomacy over escalation, even in the most difficult moments befalling the region. Thus, this attack constitutes an unjustified escalation, and threatens to further exacerbate tensions. "Any attempt to harm [Qatar's] role, or to use political violence to change the rules of the game in the region, will not pass without an appropriate response on all levels: legal, political, and security. Harm to the [Al-Udeid air] base also directly threatens Qatar's allies. Thus, there is a need for a responsible international position that will not settle for condemnation but will rise to the level of deterrent action... "[Qatar's] relevant apparatuses dealt very professionally with the incident [of the Iranian missile attack], successfully minimizing damage and avoiding casualties. This sends a clear message: Qatar is ready, alert, and capable of defending itself, its interests and its people. This rapid response [to the attack] is a manifestation not only of military readiness, but [also] of the cohesion of its entire national security array, from the command [level] to the executive [ranks]… 'The solidarity with Qatar [expressed by various countries after the attack on CENTCOM] reflects the depth of the relations established by Qatari diplomacy over the years. This proves that Qatar's balanced positions were not for nought – they gained for it global political credit, which is today translated [into solidarity with Qatar] at the moment of conflict. "Today we face a real test of the international community's seriousness in defending small and medium-sized countries from attacks by regional actors who scoff at international law. The UN Security Council and secretary general have a moral and legal responsibility to condemn this attack, to act as soon as possible to prevent it from happening again, and to take the necessary deterrent measures. Any leniency in addressing this aggression opens the door to similar aggressive behavior [in the future], and undermines the UN Charter, the second article of which prohibits the use of force against any state's territorial integrity or political independence. "Qatar, with its wise leadership and united people, rejects dictates and does not fear conflict when it comes to its honor and sovereignty. At the same time, however, it adheres to the legal and diplomatic tracks, and calls on the international community to stand against irresponsible policy that threatens security and peace in the region. We are aware that power lies not only in the possession of weapons, but also in gaining legitimacy, defending justice, and persevering in principles. Qatar has already proven that it is a country that stands firm in its position, is wise in its response, and is and courageous in managing its crises. "I will say this clearly: The era of silence has passed, and our positions will remain steadfast. We will not deviate from them, not from fear, and not from courtesy. Qatar is not an aggressive country, but it is a country that will not [stand for] being harmed. It is not a country of war – but it is prepared for any possibility."[7]

New Satellite Image Shows U.S. Aircraft Carrier Deployed Near Iran
New Satellite Image Shows U.S. Aircraft Carrier Deployed Near Iran

Newsweek

time6 days ago

  • General
  • Newsweek

New Satellite Image Shows U.S. Aircraft Carrier Deployed Near Iran

Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. A new satellite image reveals the USS Carl Vinson aircraft carrier deployed in the Arabian Sea, near Iran. Newsweek has reached out to the U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) and Iran's Foreign Ministry for comment. Why It Matters The deployment demonstrates the continuing active U.S. naval presence in the region and preparedness for further conflict despite the ceasefire between Israel and Iran. The aircraft carrier has been operating within the CENTCOM's area of responsibility where it has been operating in April during the U.S. military campaign against Yemen's Houthi group and remained during Israel's war with Iran, in which the United States also conducted strikes against Iranian nuclear sites. Image captured by the European Space Agency's Sentinel-2 satellites on June 28 shows the USS Carl Vinson in the Arabian Sea. Copernicus/Sentinel Hub Image captured by the European Space Agency's Sentinel-2 satellites on June 28 shows the USS Carl Vinson in the Arabian Sea. Copernicus/Sentinel Hub Copernicus/Sentinel Hub What To Know The satellite image capturing the USS Carl Vinson near Iran was identified by open-source intelligence analyst MT Anderson on X, formerly Twitter. Two Arleigh Burke-class destroyers were accompanying the carrier, he added. The Nimitz-class aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson (CVN 70) conducts operations in the U.S. Central Command area of responsibility. — U.S. Central Command (@CENTCOM) June 28, 2025 The U.S. Naval Institute's fleet and marine tracker update on Monday revealed the USS Carl Vinson aircraft carrier, along with Carrier Air Wing 2, conducting operations in the Arabian Sea. The ship was spotted six days after the U.S. hit three major Iranian nuclear facilities — Fordo, Natanz and Isfahan — with B-2 stealth bombers which took off overnight from Whiteman Air Force Base in Missouri, flying over 13,000 miles in a 36-hour-long round trip, according to the Pentagon. On Saturday, the Pentagon announced a $961.6 billion defense budget request. For the U.S. Navy, it revealed plans to build 19 new ships and improve nuclear shipyards, maintaining an overall fleet of 287 ships in 2026. What People Are Saying Open-source intelligence analyst MT Anderson wrote on X: "After playing hide-and-seek since May 4, 2025, the USS Carl Vinson (CVN-70) and Carrier Strike Group 1 have finally popped back onto our radar. New satellite imagery from June 28, 2025, confirms their presence in the Northern Arabian Sea... It's a strong reminder that even when quiet, these global assets are always on mission. The reappearance of a full CSG highlights sustained readiness and strategic presence in a key region." U.S. Department of Defense on X, Monday: "Revitalizing the maritime industrial base in the United States ensures a robust naval presence and safeguards our interests at sea. @SECNAV emphasizes that shipbuilding is not just a matter of industry, it's vital for our national security." Iran's Armed Forces Spokesperson Brigadier General Abolfazl Shekarchi, as quoted by Mehr News Agency: "The Islamic Republic of Iran has never considered the word 'cessation of conflict' as an option. The Zionist regime is never trustworthy, neither for anywhere in the world nor for Iran." What Happens Next The United States is sustaining naval readiness in the Middle East to ensure rapid response capabilities as tensions with Iran persist and there remains a high risk of a resumption of hostilities.

US Navy warships picked up multiple new Iranian ballistic missile kills in the latest defense of Israel
US Navy warships picked up multiple new Iranian ballistic missile kills in the latest defense of Israel

Yahoo

time6 days ago

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

US Navy warships picked up multiple new Iranian ballistic missile kills in the latest defense of Israel

The US Navy said its warships shot down multiple Iranian ballistic missiles earlier this month. The Navy had sent five destroyers to the eastern Mediterranean to provide air defense for Israel. The intercepts come as Navy leadership shares its concerns about its stockpiles of top missiles. US warships intercepted multiple Iranian ballistic missiles aimed at Israel this month, the Navy confirmed over the weekend, sharing new details from its third defense of Israel in a year and a half. Israel launched a new military operation against Iran on June 13, prompting Tehran to retaliate with waves of missile attacks. The US Navy moved five of its Arleigh Burke-class destroyers into the Eastern Mediterranean Sea for support if needed. The destroyers — USS Thomas Hudner, USS Arleigh Burke, USS The Sullivans, USS Oscar Austin, and USS Paul Ignatius — are equipped with high-end interceptors that are specifically designed for ballistic missile defense. Officials had previously confirmed that the US ships were providing air defense for Israel, but it was unclear if they scored any hits. However, in a statement on Sunday, the Navy revealed the destroyers intercepted "multiple" Iranian ballistic missiles since June 14. The Navy did not say which interceptors the destroyers used against the Iranian missiles and referred additional questions to US Central Command, which oversees Middle East operations. Business Insider reached out to CENTCOM for more information but did not receive a response. The disclosure comes as Navy leadership raises concerns that the sea service is burning through one of its top ballistic missile interceptors, the Standard Missile-3. Just last week, Adm. James Kilby, acting chief of naval operations, told lawmakers that American warships were using the SM-3 "at an alarming rate." Navy warships fired multiple SM-3 interceptors to defend Israel from large-scale Iranian missile attacks in April and October of last year. The SM-3 missile is an important element of the Navy's Aegis Combat System, equipped on Arleigh Burke-class destroyers and Ticonderoga-class cruisers. It uses a kinetic kill vehicle to destroy short- to intermediate-range missiles during the midcourse phase of their flight. The SM-3 is produced in multiple variants, which can cost as little as $10 million on the low end and nearly $30 million on the high end, according to the US Missile Defense Agency. Analysts have argued that the Navy is depleting its SM-3 stockpile in the Middle East without sufficient plans to replace it, which could be an issue in a Pacific conflict, where these interceptors would likely be needed in large quantities. China, a leading concern, has a large arsenal of ballistic missiles. And the SM-3 is not the only missile interceptor that the Navy is heavily expending in the Middle East. American warships have fired hundreds of SM-2s and SM-6s to defend against attacks by Iran-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen. US military planners have said that one of the challenges of the Red Sea conflict is being forced to use expensive interceptors to defeat cheap Houthi drones. Trying to get on the right side of that cost curve — saving the higher-end missiles for more advanced threats — is an ongoing focus in training across NATO. Read the original article on Business Insider

Iran, US and the 400-kg enriched Uranium bargaining chip
Iran, US and the 400-kg enriched Uranium bargaining chip

Indian Express

time28-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Indian Express

Iran, US and the 400-kg enriched Uranium bargaining chip

Written by R Swaminathan In the aftermath of the US airstrikes on Iran's nuclear facilities at Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan, the international community found unexpected relief in Tehran's restrained military response. Dubbed 'Besharat al-Fath', Iran's retaliatory strike targeted the Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, CENTCOM's largest hub in the region. It was a carefully calibrated operation: No casualties, no infrastructure damage, and prior notification given to both Qatar and the United States. It was more restrained even compared to Iran's military response during Trump 1.0 following the assassination of Qassem Soleimani, the commander of the elite Quds Force, in 2020. Tehran opted for symbolism over escalation, signaling a strategic priority — regime survival. The most striking feature of Iran's response was not what it did, but what it deliberately avoided — it did not withdraw from the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and refrained from activating its regional proxies or disrupting the Strait of Hormuz. Further, the Supreme National Security Council has not yet endorsed the decision of Iran's Parliament to suspend its cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Iran's restraint, facilitated in part by Qatar's backchannel diplomacy, helped sustain a fragile ceasefire following President Donald Trump's forceful intervention with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Though tentative, the truce has held so far. As the guns fell silent, attention quickly pivoted to the damage inflicted on Iran's nuclear infrastructure and whether the mission was accomplished. A leaked Pentagon Initial Damage Assessment Report suggested the strikes might have set Iran's nuclear programme back by only a few months, a claim that infuriated President Trump and prompted swift rebuttals from the CIA and Pentagon. They insisted the facilities were 'obliterated' and maintained that Iran had not relocated its 400-kg stockpile of uranium enriched to 60 per cent. Israel's intelligence claimed that Iran's capabilities were degraded significantly, including a 50 per cent reduction in its missile launcher capacity and several years of delay to its nuclear programme. Yet, at the heart of the post-conflict ambiguity lies a far more critical and unresolved question: The whereabouts of the 400 kg of highly-enriched uranium (HEU) last verified by the IAEA before the Israeli strikes on June 13. The Fordow facility, Iran's primary centre for higher enrichment of uranium, was struck by GBU 57, the Massive Ordnance Penetrator (MOP) or the Bunker Buster bombs. Craters at the site confirmed deep penetration, but the IAEA has not been able to physically verify the damage so far. On June 13, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi informed IAEA Director General Rafael Grossi that Iran would 'adopt special measures to protect our nuclear equipment and materials'. Grossi responded the same day, reminding Tehran of its obligations under the Safeguards Agreement to declare any transfer of nuclear material. However, no formal declaration followed. Subsequent satellite imagery from June 19-20 revealed unusual movement of trucks and bulldozers around Fordow, suggesting that Iran may have relocated sensitive materials, including the HEU stockpile, before the US bombing on June 22. Although Tehran has issued no official confirmation of such a move, unnamed senior Iranian officials told Reuters on June 23 that a preemptive transfer of the uranium had taken place. This claim, however, remains unverifiable. The IAEA's post-strike assessments noted localised radioactive and chemical releases inside the damaged facilities, yet no off-site radiation levels were detected. This led observers to speculate that either Fordow's containment systems withstood the MOP bombardment, or the enriched uranium had indeed been moved. European intelligence reports suggest that Iran's HEU reserves were distributed across multiple, undisclosed facilities rather than being stored solely at Fordow. If true, this dispersal strategy not only safeguarded Iran's nuclear assets but also complicates verification efforts. It may take months for the IAEA to inspect the Fordow site, especially if structural integrity has been compromised. This uncertainty grants Tehran diplomatic leverage. By neither confirming nor denying the relocation of the uranium, Iran preserves ambiguity, which can be tactically used in future negotiations. This is particularly important as Trump, speaking at the NATO Summit in The Hague, signaled potential talks with Iran next week, albeit in his characteristic manner: 'We may sign an agreement. I don't know. To me, I don't think it's that necessary.' Meanwhile, Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei delivered a fiery speech on June 26, reinforcing Iran's posture of defiance. He declared that Iran had delivered a 'hard slap' to the US by striking Al Udeid and warned of further retaliation if provoked. 'The nuclear facilities may be damaged, but our will and our capabilities are intact,' he said, dismissing any possibility of surrender. While military confrontation has paused for now, the geopolitical stakes remain high. Iran still retains a significant portion of its long-range missile arsenal, and airstrikes alone cannot permanently dismantle a nuclear programme. But Iran is under pressure to have a deal, as otherwise all the UN sanctions that were imposed on it from 2006 to 2010 and suspended under the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action endorsed by the UNSC in July 2015) will 'snap back'. As the ceasefire endures and oil prices stabilise, the immediate crisis appears contained. Yet, without a return to JCPOA-style negotiations, the world remains trapped in a cycle of brinkmanship. At the center of this unfolding drama is the still-unresolved mystery of the 400 kg of HEU. Whether hidden, destroyed, or dispersed, its status will shape the contours of diplomacy in the coming weeks. Until inspectors return to Fordow and other sites, this enriched uranium serves both as a potential flashpoint and a bargaining chip. The writer is a former Governor of India to the IAEA, Vienna, former Ambassador to Egypt, Austria, and Montenegro, and former Permanent Representative to the Arab League

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