Latest news with #DW
The Hill
11 hours ago
- Politics
- The Hill
North Korean crosses border into South Korea
An unidentified North Korean man crossed into South Korea with the assistance of Seoul's military through a heavily mined land border Thursday. He was taken into custody after the crossing, according to South Korea's Joint Chiefs of Staff. South Korea's Joint Chiefs of Staff said Friday that the man was first spotted between 3 a.m. and 4 a.m. Thursday. The man did move a lot during the day and was eventually approached by South Korea's military near the Korean Demilitarized Zone. 'The military identified the individual near the MDL, conducted tracking and surveillance,' South Korea's Joint Chiefs of Staff said, according to DW. The military then 'successfully carried out a standard guiding operation to secure custody.' An investigation will be conducted by the authorities into the crossing. The United Nations Command was notified of the incident. Thousands of people have fled from North Korea to South Korea since the peninsula was split during the war in the 1950s. Defections directly to South Korea are uncommon, as the area is tracked closely by both countries' militaries, is packed with mines and is filled with dense forest. Tensions have risen in recent months, with North Korea sending trash-filled balloons to South Korea, while Seoul has blasted anti-North Korea propaganda through loudspeakers. In June, South Korea's President Lee Jae-myung ordered a pause to the broadcasts as part of efforts to reestablish 'trust in inter-Korean relations and promote peace on the Korean Peninsula.'
DW
11 hours ago
- Science
- DW
Should we panic about interstellar comet 3I/ATLAS? – DW – 07/04/2025
Sometimes "the universe comes to us," writes the European Space Agency. For the third time since 2017, an interstellar object will enter our solar system. What is it and are we prepared? Beyond the fact that this is the third known interstellar object to have entered our solar system, "we don't know very much," said Larry Denneau, co-principle investigator at ATLAS, a telescope in Chile that spotted 3I/ATLAS on July 1, 2025. It's not exactly reassuring when scientists say "we don't know," but at least it's honest. Astronomers do know that 3I/ATLAS is a comet that's about 670 million kilometers (416 million miles) away from the sun. Based on current projections, it poses no danger to planet Earth. "Scientists are still determining the velocity and trajectory to a degree that will allow accurate predictions for the future," wrote Richard Moissl, who heads the European Space Agency's Planetary Defense office, in an email to DW. The closest it will get to our planet is about 240 million kilometers away, when it will fly by in October. That is more than 1.5 times the distance between us and the sun, and about 624 times the distance between the Earth and our moon. It is also thought to be about 20 kilometers (12.4 miles) wide and traveling at about 60 kilometers per second (an impressive 134,000 miles per hour). But this is all relatively basic data — the very data that allowed astronomers at the Asteroid Terrestrial-impact Last Alert System in Chile to spot it. When they saw the object on an unusual trajectory, they immediately began to track and measure it. Then, other astronomers based at telescopes in Hawaii and Australia, began monitoring the object's flight progress and confirmed it as an interstellar comet. "We are seeing an onset of [normal] cometary activity," wrote Moissl. Comet 3I/ATLAS flew through the heliosphere to enter our solar system. The heliosphere is a barrier that protects us from interstellar winds and radiation. The heliosphere is, however, an imperfect barrier — some interstellar radiation gets through, and it clearly doesn't stop icy intergalactic wanderers like 3I/ATLAS. Interstellar objects in our solar system are thought to be quite rare though. The first known interstellar object was 1I/'Oumuamua, detected in 2017, and 2I/Borisov, detected in 2019. "This is only the third interstellar [object] ever to be detected, hence a precise forecast of the expected frequency is not possible at this point," wrote Moissl. But telescopes have got more technologically advanced and scientists do now scan the night sky continuously. So we may begin to see more of them. "The Legacy Survey in Space and Time at the Vera Rubins telescope in Chile goes online this year. It is more efficient than existing surveys and expected to detect several new Interstellar objects over the next 10 years," said Moissl's colleague at ESA, Michael Kueppers. Kueppers is a Comet Interceptor Project scientist. Comet Interceptor is a spacecraft that will rest in a "parking orbit" and intercept distant comets and asteroids if they come too close to Earth. It's scheduled to launch in 2029. The short (and obvious) answer is that comets, like 3I/ATLAS, 1I/'Oumuamua and 2I/Borisov, come from other planetary systems. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Much like comets and asteroids within our solar system, interstellar objects are considered to be untouched specimens from elsewhere in our galaxy, the Milky Way, if not fragments from the very beginnings of the universe. Moissl said this new object "came roughly from the direction of the Galactic Center region," which, as the name suggests, is towards the center of the Milky Way. But astronomers do not know its precise origin or "home star." Based on its brightness, 3I/ATLAS appears to be bigger than the other two stray comets — 1I/'Oumuamua and 2I/Borisov — which are thought to have entered our solar system from a different region of the Milky Way. Astronomers will want to continue monitoring 3I/ATLAS to assess its composition and behavior. ESA said that as an active comet, it may heat up as it gets closer to Earth, and "sublimate" — that's when frozen gases on a comet turn into vapor, creating a glowing coma and trail of dust and ice particles. You should be able to see it from Earth with a telescope by September — but "you'll need a big telescope to see it," wrote Jonathan McDowell of the Harvard-Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics in an email to DW. When it's closest to Earth it will be hidden by the sun but then reappear by early December.
DW
14 hours ago
- Politics
- DW
Ukraine: Discrimination and hope drive LGBTQ+ soldiers – DW – 07/04/2025
Up to 10% of Ukrainian soldiers are thought to be from the LGBTQ+ community. While tolerance is improving, Ukraine still does not guarantee legal equality. "I've been open about my sexual orientation all my life," says Roman Abrashyn, a 25-year-old homosexual drone pilot in the Ukrainian army. After coming out at the age of 15, he was supported by friends, his parents and two brothers, one of whom now serves in the same unit. Abrashyn enlisted in the Ukrainian armed forces in April 2024. Since then, he's hardly faced any prejudice or discrimination. When fellow soldiers found out about his sexual orientation, most of them reacted neutrally, he recalls. "There were no strange questions." He is more worried that hundreds of openly LGBTQ+ soldiers in Ukraine don't enjoy the same rights as their heterosexual comrades. The abbreviation LGBTQ+ stands for lesbian, gay, and queer people, but also includes those with other identities, such as people who are intersex, asexual, bisexual or transgender. Soldiers from Abrashyn's unit have made themselves at home among crates full of drones in a simple building. Abrashyn is the commander of a group of drone pilots who mostly work from basements and cellars, as they are constantly being targeted. Nowadays they are stationed in the Sumy region, previously they were in the Kherson area. Recently, Abrashyn started dating a civilian, however, it is not possible to register same-sex partnerships in Ukraine. In the case of his death, his partner would not be entitled to compensation. "Also, if I was in intensive care, he would not have any rights," he complains. In his view, this is patently unfair: "We fight like everyone else, but are not legally equal," he told DW. The bill on registered partnerships is one of the central demands of the LGBTQ+ community in Ukraine. Such a law would allow partners to receive medical information or inherit or receive social benefits in the event of death. However, it has been under discussion in the committees of the Ukrainian parliament for over two years. The bill was introduced by Inna Sowsun, an opposition MP. She told DW that the law is being blocked by the Legal Affairs Committee. According to Sowsun, the parliament is conservative, with just under a third of MPs categorically against registered partnerships and just over a third in favor. The rest are either hesitant due to concerns about the reaction of the public and colleagues or have no opinion at all. "For LGBTQ+ soldiers, this is an urgent issue as their lives are always in danger," Sowsun told DW. The 19-year-old Dmytro, who asked DW to not publish his last name for fear of retribution, has been serving in the army for about a year. He describes himself as asexual, likes both men and women and seeks romantic rather than sexual relationships. However, when Dmytro's sexual orientation became known in his brigade, problems arose. "I was threatened with physical violence," he told DW. In a chat shown to DW, a comrade advises him to "look for another unit" and threatens to explain the reasons "very clearly so that it will be remembered for a long time". Such harassment drove Dmytro to attempt suicide. After doctors saved his life, he filed a complaint with the police, but without success. "To this day, there hasn't even been a response," he told DW. Eventually, he managed to get transferred to another brigade. The young man says he also knows of cases from other units where higher-ranking comrades tried to quickly transfer an LGBTQ+ soldier to another unit after finding out about his sexual orientation. Nevertheless, Dmytro observes that attitudes in the army are gradually shifting and says he has had positive experiences. "When the commander of a brigade found out about my sexual orientation, he supported me and said he would never insult or discriminate against me," Dmytro recalls. In addition to the draft law on registered partnerships, the Ukrainian LGBTQ+ community is also fighting for the introduction of criminal liability for crimes based on intolerance, especially homophobia. Dmytro criticizes that attacks on LGBTQ+ people are usually dismissed as 'hooliganism' and are punished too leniently. A draft law that prioritizes hate crimes against the LGBTQ+ community has been in parliament since 2021, however, it is still in discussion. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Viktor Pylypenko, veteran and head of the NGO Ukrainian LGBT+ Military and Veterans for Equal Rights, was one of the first Ukrainian soldiers to openly admit his homosexuality. He urges parliament to stop delaying laws to support the LGBTQ+ community. Pylypenko also complains that politicians say that the Ukrainian society is not ready for change, which he cannot understand. The activist points out that support for LGBTQ+ people is on the rise. According to a study conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) from June 2024, more than 70% of Ukrainians are in favor of LGBTQ+ people having the same rights as all citizens. According to the same survey, 14% have a positive attitude towards the LGBTQ+ community, 47% a neutral one and 32% a negative one. The last indicator has been steadily declining since 2015. A charity event organized by the KyivPride organization in early June featured the usual, albeit small, protests. Activists drew attention to the rights of LGBTQ+ people near the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Kyiv and raised money for the Ukrainian army. Supporters of traditional values rallied alongside. The Orthodox Church of Ukraine later criticized the fact that the LGBTQ+ event took place near St. Michael's Cathedral and described it as an "anti-clerical provocation." The NGO led by Viktor Pylypenko counts more than 600 military personnel and veterans among its members. According to their information, gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, queer or asexual people serve in at least 59 units of the Ukrainian army. It is impossible to determine the exact number as many do not talk about their sexual orientation. According to a study by Pylypenko's NGO, based on estimates in other countries, the proportion of LGBTQ+ soldiers in the Ukrainian army could be between 5% and 10%. There is a lack of rules against discrimination, meaning that the rights of LGBTQ+ soldiers and military personnel go unprotected, Pylypenko says. He hopes that the situation will improve with the planned appointment of a military ombudsman. Drone pilot Roman Abrashyn argues that the more LGBTQ+ people talk about themselves and their problems, the faster change will occur. "This is important, even if there is a wave of hatred," he told DW. The soldier Dmytro agrees with him. Above all, both of them, like most soldiers, want Russia's enduring war in Ukraine to end. "I just want my brothers, my loved ones, civilians and children to stop dying," says Dmytro.
DW
16 hours ago
- Politics
- DW
'One event' arms pause troubling for Ukraine – DW – 07/04/2025
The US says its pause on arms shipments is a one-off. But amid the turbulent US-Ukraine relationship, the assurance is little comfort to Volodymyr Zelenskyy or his European supporters. Ukraine's president Volodymyr Zelenskyy will seek "clarity" from Donald Trump on Friday amid a challenging week that saw a scheduled US arms shipment paused and Kyiv pummeled by another Russian drone strike. The US confirmed earlier this week that a batch of arms shipments to Ukraine would be paused in yet another reminder that the eastern European country's supply of advanced military equipment is not as secure as it once was. The US has downplayed this decision to withhold crucial arms shipments to Ukraine, as a state department spokesperson told reporters it was a one-off. "This is not a cessation of us assisting Ukraine or of providing weapons," said spokeswoman Tammy Bruce. "This is one event and one situation, and we'll discuss what else comes up in future." The US president has continued to press both sides of the conflict to negotiate a ceasefire and spoke with Russian leader Vladimir Putin on the matter on Thursday. But progress, according to Trump said, was limited. "I didn't make any progress with him today at all," he told reporters. "I'm not happy about that. I'm not happy… I don't think he's looking to stop." Russia followed that call with a massive drone strike on the Ukrainian capital. Zelenskyy is due to speak with Trump on Friday about the shipment pause. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video The pair have had a strained relationship during Trump's second term, publicly evidenced in a televised falling out during a White House sit-down in early March. Following the disastrous visit, Zelenskyy sought to shore up support closer to home with key European allies. Europe has since stepped up their support in financial and supply terms. But if the US were to continue to withhold support, it would significantly undermine Ukraine's position versus Russia. "If this were to be a longer-term issue, it would definitely be a challenge for Ukraine to cope," Jana Kobzova, a senior policy fellow specializing at the European Council on Foreign Relations, told DW. "Partly because some of the US systems are not easily replaceable, that goes especially for air defense, but also some of the longer-range capabilities which Ukraine has started to produce domestically but not in the quantities needed." Despite the spat between Trump and Zelenskyy, the pause on shipments could be as much about the US needing to weigh its own interests against the support it gives to dozens of other countries, including Israel. "After the Israel-Iranian exchange, I can imagine that Trump wants to relocate resources," Marina Miron, a defense researcher specializing in military technology and Russian capability at Kings College London, UK, told DW. Brent Sadler, a research fellow at the conservative think tank The Heritage Foundation, told Politico the move is likely a "due diligence" measure to ensure adequate resourcing for US forces elsewhere, including the Indo-Pacific in the event of a conflict outbreak in that region. Retired US Army General Ben Hodges, took a different view, saying the shipment pause was not about stockpiles. "It's a choice of this administration to placate Russia, at the expense of Ukraine," Hodges said. "It also shows the very limited understanding this administration [has] of the importance to America's strategic interests to help Ukraine and Europe deter Russia." Irrespective of the US' reasons for pausing its military shipments, the signals from the first months of the new administration suggest Europe's transatlantic ally is not the steadfast partner it once was. "There is a sober analysis both in Kyiv and the European part of NATO that relying on US military assistance to continue forever in Ukraine is not an option," said Kobzova. "And that has been there ever since March when the assistance was stopped for the first time." Among the American weapons due for shipping were Patriot air defense missiles and precision-guided artillery, according to officials speaking to newswires anonymously. The pause on these shipments comes at a critical time, with Russia ramping up weapons production and attacks. Those include strikes on soldier draft hubs in Poltava, the national capital Kyiv, the port city Odesa, and ground advances in key regions in Eastern Ukraine. Despite increased spending on defense from Europe's NATO members — now 5% of GDP following its June meeting — any long-term US stall on weapons will likely squeeze Ukraine and its neighbors. "There is recognition at the political level … that [Europe] would need to be increasing production, but none of that happens quickly enough for Ukraine," said Kobzova. Kobzova also pointed to investments being made into Ukraine's own defense industry to buffer against future supply-line cuts from the US. Europe is now the biggest investor in Ukraine's domestic defense industry. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video But even that might not be enough. Experts interviewed by DW highlighted the offer made by Zelenskyy to directly purchase armaments from the US, but in reality, arms manufacturing is a time-consuming process. "It takes two years to produce one [air defense missile] battery," the defense expert Miron told DW. "So even if you buy them now, it doesn't mean that they will be on the battlefield. You place a purchase order and you get in the queue." Finding a way to more effectively repair and adapt equipment for different missiles could be a potential stopgap to meet immediate needs. But, as defense supplies are again in doubt, Miron questioned whether Ukraine has what it needs to push back Russia's offensive. "The problem is time and money and we also have the variable of people," she said, adding that about 90 people are needed to operate a Patriot air missile battery. And Ukraine, Miron pointed out, is losing people, with no guarantee of replacement as the war grinds through its fourth year. Ukraine's support in Europe has been increasing — both rhetorically and materially. As it took over the presidency of the EU for the next six months, Denmark has seized the early opportunity to put Ukraine's membership application into the bloc back on the agenda. Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen on Thursday said the EU "must strengthen Ukraine. And we must weaken Russia." "Ukraine is essential to Europe's security. Our contribution to Ukraine is also a protection of our freedom. Ukraine belongs in the European Union. It is in both in Denmark's and Europe's interest." Her comments come on the back of a visit to Ukraine from German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul, who branded Ukraine's plight Berlin's most important foreign policy task. These statements from Europe might be more important than ever, as Miron says she is pessimistic about the future of the US-Ukraine relationship. "Certainly you can try some diplomacy, and explain to Trump that Ukraine matters, but I think Trump has already made up his mind," she said. "Trump has much more to solve with Russia in terms of global problems than with Ukraine."
DW
17 hours ago
- Politics
- DW
DR Congo-Rwanda peace deal met with skepticism – DW – 07/04/2025
While leaders hail a recent peace deal between Rwanda and the DR Congo as a diplomatic breakthrough, observers say deep-rooted tensions and unresolved grievances remain major threats. The Rwandan and Congolese governments have lauded the recently signed peace agreement as a historic milestone to end fighting in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The deal, brokered and signed in the United States, with support from Qatar, outlines commitments to cease hostilities, establish a path to economic cooperation, and neutralize armed groups, including the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). President Félix Tshisekedi said it would open a "new era of stability, cooperation and prosperity." Meanwhile, US officials say this is a step towards unlocking mineral wealth in the region. But observers in Rwanda and the DRC warn implementation, inclusivity, and accountability remain significant hurdles. Also, the realities on the ground and the cool reactions from armed groups, such as the M23, complicate matters. The M23 rebel group, which seized the strategically important cities of Goma and Bukavu earlier this year, has rejected the binding nature of the DRC–Rwanda deal. A separate process in the Qatari capital of Doha between the Congolese government and the M23 is ongoing but has produced few public details. In a statement, Corneille Nangaa, coordinator of the M23-affiliated Congo River Alliance (AFC), criticized the Washington deal as "limited," claiming Kinshasa was undermining the Doha process. M23 executive secretary, Benjamin Mbonimpa, told reporters: "Our problems are different from what was dealt with in Washington." Kigali-based political commentator Gonza Mugi described the M23's stance as predictable. "They are still attacked by other groups like the Wazalendo and even Congolese government coalitions," told DW. "So, it makes sense for them to keep defending the communities they claim to protect." Jean Baptiste Gasominari, a Congolese political analyst, told DW the Congolese government should be held accountable for arming militias, and their subsequent actions. "Saying there are multiple armed groups operating independently in the eastern DRC is misleading," he said. "Except for M23, the rest have been armed, trained, and commanded by the DRC government itself, now unified under the Wazalendo umbrella." To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video A United Nations report concluded that despite denials, Rwanda's army played a "critical" role alongside the M23 anti-governmental group in this year's offensive in eastern DRC. Both the DRC and Rwanda have pledged to pull back support for guerilla fighters. The US-brokered deal has been critcized for not addressing the atrocities committed by all sides during years of conflict. Additionally, concerns persist that key local communities, rebel groups, and civil society appear to have been ignored. For Gasominari, accounting for the violence and suffering is crucial. "Justice is a matter of state sovereignty," said Gasominari, who has been living in Rwanda as a refugee. "It's the responsibility of the DRC government to request the intervention of an international tribunal or the International Criminal Court." He said the agreement does not ignore justice issues, but rather delegates their resolution to internal processes and existing international frameworks. But because justice was not clearly defined by the Washington agreement, the interpretation of justice remains vague and very dependent on the actors' willingness to implement it, according to Mugi. "The important point is whether it will be possible to implement such an ambitious concept in 90 days," Mugi told DW. "That depends entirely on the commitment and effort put into making the deal stick," he added. He said previous peace efforts had lacked inclusive dialogue and marginalized some political and civil society actors. "There are forces who saw the conflict in the east as an opportunity to negotiate a new political order in Kinshasa," Mugi told DW, pointing out that armed groups had profited from the instability and conflict. Both analysts said the peace deal has economic motives. The eastern Congo is rich in minerals such as cobalt, gold, and coltan. Gasominari characterized the agreement as "a peace deal and a business deal." "You cannot do business where there is no peace," he said. Mugi added that formalizing economic cooperation could reduce the influence of informal networks that have profited from conflict. "If proper contracts are awarded, that means the interest in supporting peace is more powerful than the interest supporting war. In the long term that could be very good for the region," he told DW. While President Tshisekedi is expected to meet his Rwandan counterpart Paul Kagame in Washington in the coming weeks to discuss next steps, Rwanda's foreign minister Olivier Nduhungirehe reaffirmed Kigali's insistence on the "irreversible and verifiable end" to the FDLR, a militia it holds responsible for attacks inside Rwanda. "We must acknowledge there is a great deal of uncertainty in our region," Nduhungirehe said. The FDLR is a Congo-based militia, which is opposed to Kagame's Tutsi-led government in Rwanda. Initially made up of fighters who led the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, Kagame's government views the FDLR's presence on its borders as an existential threat. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video US involvement, and particularly the Trump administration's role in brokering the agreement, has added a geopolitical dimension. President Donald Trump, who welcomed the two foreign ministers at the White House, celebrated the deal's potential to unlock mineral resources. However, Trump's remarks about securing "a lot of mineral rights from the Congo" have fueled a different narrative. Mugi for instance, suggested that formalizing the "permanent economic interests" of Rwanda and other neighboring countries in the Congo could create powerful incentives for peace over war. In contrast, Nobel laureate and former Congolese presidential candidate Denis Mukwege has warned the deal could "would amount to granting a reward for aggression" and legitimize the "plundering of Congolese natural resources." While the front in eastern DRC has largely stabilized since February, sporadic skirmishes persist. The joint monitoring mechanism created by the Washington agreement and the vaguely defined "regional economic integration framework" are expected to provide accountability mechanisms. However, both are still in early stages. 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