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Express Tribune
4 days ago
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Rekindling trust
In a world where alliances are increasingly transactional, the counterterrorism partnership between Pakistan and the United States remains an evolving, if at times uneasy, example of strategic necessity. Whereas public discourse is usually preoccupied with episodes of tension (drone attacks, trust gaps and changing regional priorities), the cooperation, particularly in recent years, has become increasingly professional, mature and outcome-oriented. With old threats being replaced by new ones, the US-Pakistan counterterrorism (CT) cooperation is important not only to South Asian stability, but to world security architecture as well. A recent example of this longstanding collaboration was the January 2025 joint operation that resulted in the arrest of Sharifullah, the ISIS-K mastermind of the lethal August 2021 Kabul airport bombing. Not the arrest but the manner in which it was done was important. The Pakistani intelligence services, working in close liaison with their US counterparts, monitored then captured a high-value target without incurring political blowback and without leaking the operation. This achievement, which was celebrated by the US Department of Justice, was not so much about symbolism but rather competency, coordination and trust. And this trust seems to be on an upward curve. Centcom Commander Gen Michael Kurilla, who has retired recently, praised Pakistan as a "phenomenal partner" in the war against ISIS-K in July 2025, and was himself honoured with the Nishan-e-Imtiaz, the highest military award of Pakistan. This act, however ceremonial, amounts to a conscious resetting of relations — a shift in the mode of suspicion to a mode of common strategic outlook. But what has changed? To begin with, the two countries have apparently adjusted expectations. The pre-9/11 doctrine of "with us or against us" that previously put a strain on bilateral relations has been replaced by a more realistic, decentralised system of collaboration. Examples of this change include institutions such as the National Intelligence Fusion & Threat Assessment Centre (NIFTAC), in Pakistan, which is a locally based response that is integrated with international cooperation, especially with the American and allied intelligence organisations. Second, terrorism as such has evolved. The recurrence of Taliban in power in Afghanistan has formed new security gaps, and these gaps are easily taken advantage of by groups such as Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and ISIS-K. They are not local actors only but transnational ones that recruit and fund globally. That is why the US not only requires Pakistan as a geographic ally but also as an operational one. Drones cannot do away with ideological insurgencies, they require boots on the ground, informants on the field and information provided by local agencies. Of course, the road ahead is not without bumps. The perennial issue of strategic mistrust, particularly when it comes to Afghanistan and regional power dynamics with India and China, will always shadow Pak-US ties. Moreover, Pakistan faces internal political instability and resurging domestic militancy, which can dilute the focus of its CT machinery. But to let these obstacles overshadow progress would be short-sighted. It is also crucial that this partnership does not become overly securitised. Counterterrorism cooperation should be complemented by economic and developmental collaboration, particularly in Pakistan's tribal and border regions. Ultimately, Pak-US CT cooperation is not a vestige of a long forgotten war-on-terrorism; it's a living, breathing necessity shaped by evolving threats and mutual dependencies. If 2025 is any indicator, it seems both sides have begun to move past suspicion and toward strategic maturity. For a world teetering on new fronts of asymmetric warfare, it's not just reassuring — it's essential.
Express Tribune
11-08-2025
- Business
- Express Tribune
Pak-US reset
Islamabad and Washington are in a proactive diplomacy aimed at cementing bilateralism and taking security cooperation to new heights. The second visit of Army Chief Gen Asim Munir to the United States in the last few weeks testifies to buoyancy in relations, especially in the sphere of military and economic cooperation. The army chief was earlier in the Pentagon, and now in Florida, to attend the high- profile deliberations, and to mark the retirement ceremony of US Centcom chief General Michael Kurilla. The personal chemistry between the two has come a long way as both the countries are in the process of rewriting a new counterterrorism strategy in Southwest Asia, especially taking into consideration the precarious security situation in the region and the uptick in terrorism there. Pakistan is also eager to tap its economic potential and bring in hardcore American investment as it has thrown open the vistas of minerals, crypto-currency, agriculture and energy to investors. The army chief also praised the role of President Donald Trump in scaling down the volatility between Pakistan and India, and for brokering the ceasefire after their four-day war in May. Likewise, Trump pushing the envelope with Armenia-Azerbaijan and making them sign on the dotted lines after decades of estrangement between them comes as a ray of hope for the two South Asian rivals too. This is where Gen Munir has credited the US president for his efforts to stop "many wars", and looks forward to the White House role in making India realise that it's time for talks and reconciliation. The hype in the Pak-US ties, however, will be seen in the context of Islamabad's strategic relationship with Beijing too. This is where the Foreign Office has time and again reiterated Islamabad's special status with Beijing as it constitutes the lifeline in terms of regional connectivity, CPEC investment and military supplies orientation. This balancing act gets impetus as Islamabad strives for peace with India, and is not an advocate of military alliances in the region in terms of containing China at the behest of the US.
Irish Times
11-08-2025
- Business
- Irish Times
How US-Pakistan relations have turned around under Trump — to India's alarm
Pakistan 's chief of army staff Asim Munir smiled for the camera this weekend, arm in arm with a top American general – his second warm welcome this summer into the heart of the US establishment. Munir travelled to Florida for the retirement of Gen Michael Kurilla, the commander of US military forces in the Middle East, who has previously praised the Pakistan strongman for a 'phenomenal partnership' in the fight against terrorism. To Gen Dan Caine, America's top military officer, Munir passed a plaque and an invitation to visit Pakistan. Even more remarkably, in June Munir had a two-hour private lunch in Washington with Donald Trump , just a month after Pakistan and arch-rival India fought their bloodiest military confrontation for decades. It was an astonishing reception for a man who, despite wielding the country's most powerful office, is not a head of government – and even more so for an official representing Pakistan. Relations with Washington were assumed to be heading for the rocks after the re-election of Trump, who once accused the nuclear-armed country of 240 million people of offering the US 'nothing but lies and deceit'. READ MORE Instead, the Trump administration's ties with Islamabad appear to be blossoming, while India – which was left seething by Munir's White House welcome – has faced scorn despite Narendra Modi 's previous friendly bond with Trump. 'What's happening in US-Pakistan relations is a surprise. I would describe the relationship now as one that's enjoying an unexpected resurgence, even a renaissance,' says Michael Kugelman, a non-resident senior fellow at the Asia Pacific Foundation. 'Pakistan has very successfully understood how to engage with such an unconventional president.' India and Pakistan's contrasting diplomatic fortunes have the potential to upend geopolitics in volatile south Asia and are already feeding into trade, where the US gave Islamabad a relatively light 19 per cent tariff while hitting New Delhi with a punitive 50 per cent. Trump also promised a deal to develop what he called Pakistan's 'massive Oil Reserves', while Pakistan is offering other investment opportunities to the US, hoping to revive its bailout-dependent economy. The newfound US admiration for Pakistan is partly the fruit of a charm offensive concocted by Pakistan's senior generals, leveraging counterterrorism co-operation, outreach to business people close to Trump and deals covering energy, critical minerals and cryptocurrencies – all accompanied by a cascade of flattery for the White House. Leaders in Islamabad believed they needed to urgently get into the good graces of the erratic president and some of his allies who had been deeply critical of Pakistan over its alleged support for the Taliban during Nato's war in Afghanistan. Project 2025, a pre-election blueprint that has inspired many early Trump administration moves, lambasted Pakistan's military-dominated regime as an 'intensely anti-American and corrupt' client of China. Members of Trump's inner circle also targeted increasingly autocratic Pakistan's treatment of jailed former prime minister Imran Khan. A bipartisan group in congress began to draft legislation to impose sanctions on Munir over Khan's imprisonment. 'We had no idea what to expect with him, but the general consensus was that it was likely going to be rough,' said one senior Pakistani diplomat. Pakistan's turnaround was helped early on by what the US saw as an important arrest. In March Asim Malik, the head of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence spy agency, delivered a high-value Isis-K operative who the US said was behind a 2021 bombing in Kabul that killed more than 180 people, including 13 US soldiers. His capture earned Pakistan Trump's praise in his March State of the Union address, when the US president also lambasted India over high tariffs. Crucially, too, Pakistan deployed a form of crypto diplomacy to make its way into Trump's inner circle. World Liberty Financial, a Trump-backed cryptocurrency venture, signed a letter of intent with Pakistan's crypto council in April, when its co-founders visited Pakistan. Zach Witkoff, the son of US special envoy Steve Witkoff, said during the trip that Pakistan had 'trillions of dollars' of mineral wealth ripe for tokenisation. Since then, Bilal bin Saqib, Pakistan's minister for crypto and blockchain, has emerged as a shadow diplomat, taking part in trade talks with Washington and pitching Pakistan's crypto potential to figures close to Trump's family and advisers. Pakistani officials also point to their conduct during the May conflict with India as having bolstered their credibility with Trump. In their telling, Pakistan displayed a combination of strength and restraint, shooting down a handful of Indian jets but refraining from massive escalation, while the US and Gulf states worked the phones to secure a ceasefire. Islamabad also gave credit to Trump for brokering the truce with New Delhi – to the point of nominating the US president for the Nobel Peace Prize . Trading his khakis for a suit and tie this weekend, Munir again heaped praise on the US president when speaking to a group of Pakistani-Americans in Tampa. Munir said Trump's 'strategic leadership' had prevented 'many wars in the world', according to a Pakistani official. 'Trump needs success stories to proclaim and Pakistan is happy to give them to him,' says Husain Haqqani, a former Pakistan ambassador to the US now at the Hudson Institute, a think-tank in Washington. By contrast, Modi has taken a more flinty approach. The day before the lunch with Munir in June, the Indian leader had a testy phone call with the US president about his role in the truce. Modi then publicly contradicted Trump by saying the agreement with Pakistan did not come about because of American intervention, but was at Pakistan's initiative and took place through existing channels of communication between the two countries' armed forces. 'Prime Minister Modi firmly stated that India does not and will never accept mediation,' India said in a summary of the call. Munir's visit to see the president, which came as the US prepared military strikes on Iran, also helped Pakistan's military chief tout another facet of their relationship: military and intelligence co-operation. Munir essentially offered Pakistan as a trusted back channel between the US and its adversaries Iran and China, a strategy that harks back to the Pakistan of the 1970s that facilitated Richard Nixon's opening of US relations with communist China. While Pakistan rebuked Washington for the strikes against Iran, the country continued to try to cast itself as a mediator between the US and its foes. In late July, Munir flew to Beijing, where he toured the headquarters of the People's Liberation Army and promised Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi that he would protect Chinese workers in Pakistan from insurgent attacks. And in between warm encounters with US Centcom commander Kurilla, who received military honours from Pakistan's government in late July, Munir has also welcomed Iranian president Masoud Pezeshkian to Islamabad. 'Pakistan is a rare country that is friends with China, Iran, the Gulf states, to a lesser extent Russia, and now, again, the US,' said Marvin Weinbaum, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute in Washington. 'The US sees Munir as someone who can play a useful strategic role, and the Pakistanis keep their lines open to everyone but know to pull back when one relationship is clashing with another.' [ Shattered Lands. Five Partitions and the Making of Modern Asia: Wonderful telling of a sad history Opens in new window ] For India, the burgeoning relationship between Trump and its arch-rival has caused deep irritation, aggravated by its own failure to fend steep tariffs on its far bigger economy. Trump first levied a 25 per cent tariff on India, then doubled it to 50 per cent because of Russian oil purchases. 'It will take some time to get over the lack of trust here,' said one person briefed on the events. Indian officials are also irked at seeing military-ruled Pakistan rewarded after luring Washington with business deals. 'It's very easy to deal with dysfunctional systems,' the person said – a reference to the ease with which Pakistan turned what looked like a weak position at the start of Trump's term into a win. Current and former Pakistani officials and analysts warn that Trump could still turn on Islamabad if it fails to deliver. Most of Pakistan's natural resource riches are either unproven or lie in volatile provinces beset by insurgencies that led to 2,000 deaths last year. Pakistan's economy relies on a $7 billion IMF bailout and debt rollovers from China and Gulf allies. If Trump decides to patch things up with India again, he may lash out against Pakistan to please Modi, they say. Two diplomats said Trump is hopeful, for instance, that Islamabad will recognise Israel – a tall order for Islamabad given the strength of public opposition to such a move. 'Trump is playing the Pakistan card to try and gain more advantage with India, annoy the Indians, and see if this will make them talk to him and accept his term,' says Haqqani. 'It's a transactional improvement'. 'Unelected leaders and military officials are willing to overpromise to appeal to what they think is Trump's narcissism,' adds Hussain Nadim, a former policy adviser in Pakistan who is now a Washington-based critic of Munir's rule. 'Trump and his advisers may eventually run out of patience when they see that Pakistan is not delivering.' Shahid Khaqan Abbasi, a former prime minister for the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz party from 2017 to 2018 who left to start his own party, agrees that Pakistan should 'be wary of the volatility of the Trump administration'. 'Modi was once the good guy, now he's being beaten up. Zelenskiy got a public berating,' he said. 'Pakistan needs to protect both its interests and its dignity.' – Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2025
India.com
10-08-2025
- Politics
- India.com
Why did Asim Munir visit US for second time after Operation Sindoor? Who has he invited to visit Pakistan, and why?
New Delhi: The relations between the United States and Pakistan have improved a lot in recent months. This happened after Donald Trump assumed the office of the US President. Why is America biased in favour of Pakistan? Donald Trump also hosted Pakistan Army chief Field Marshal Asim Munir for lunch at the White House on June 18, 2025. It is also worth noting that America imposed a 50% tariff on India, while the tariff on Pakistan is only 19%, which is a huge gap of 31%. It will work in Pakistan's favour, as it has given Pakistan a big lead over India in the American market. What is the purpose of Asim Munir's US visit? After visiting the USA in June, Pakistan Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir is again on a visit to America, where he met top political and military leaders of America. The Army Chief held high-level talks with senior political and military leadership as well as Pakistani expatriates. It is worth noting that America did not officially inform about Asim Munir's visit. There was also no information shared as to when he reached America. Who is General Michael Kurilla? Field Marshal Asim Munir praised General Michael Kurilla's exemplary leadership and his invaluable contribution to strengthening bilateral military cooperation. General Michael Kurilla is a retired United States Army general who served as the 15th commander of United States Central Command from 2022 to 2025. General Michael Kurilla retired on August 8, 2025, being succeeded by Brad Cooper as commander of U.S. Central Command. Field Marshal Asim Munir wished Admiral Cooper all the best and expressed confidence in continued cooperation to deal with shared security challenges. Who is General Dan Caine, whom Munir invited to visit Pakistan? Asim Munir also met General Dan Caine, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The two discussed matters of mutual professional interests. Field Marshal Munir also invited General Caine to visit Pakistan. During an interactive session with Pakistani expatriates, Munir urged them to maintain faith in Pakistan's bright future and actively contribute to attracting investments.
Hans India
10-08-2025
- Business
- Hans India
Incentivising infiltration: The US military's dangerous bet on Pakistan
As the Middle East approaches a new boiling point, the US Central Command (CENTCOM) finds itself at the heart of an escalating geopolitical storm - from defending Israel against Iranian missile barrages to containing the reach of Chinese influence across the Indian Ocean. In this high-stakes arena, operational clarity and strategic trust are non-negotiable. Yet, CENTCOM's recent embrace of Pakistan—underscored by the award of the prestigious Nishan-e-Imtiaz (Military) to CENTCOM Commander General Michael Kurilla—raises troubling questions about the judgment guiding America's military partnerships. CENTCOM's responsibilities have grown dramatically since Israel's inclusion in its command structure in 2021. No longer a regional player, CENTCOM is now the fulcrum of US military power projection in one of the world's most volatile theatres. When Iran unleashed swarms of missiles and drones on Israel in April and October 2024, it was CENTCOM that coordinated the multinational defence response. American destroyers in the Mediterranean and Red Sea shot down more than 80 drones and multiple ballistic missiles—actions that underscored CENTCOM's frontline role in protecting Israel and maintaining regional balance. Against this backdrop, welcoming Pakistan into CENTCOM's inner circle is not just ill-advised - it's strategically reckless. Needless to say, Pakistan has always played a double game with the West. Pakistan has been found sheltering militant networks and hedging its alliance. It has been cultivating parallel partnerships with US adversaries. It has done so, while publicly pledging cooperation in counterterrorism. That duplicity is more dangerous than ever in the current situation. Pakistan may have been removed from the FATF grey list in 2022, but its financial system remains compromised. It is the US State Department itself which continues to flag significant money laundering and terror financing risks. At the same time, FATF's July 2025 report warned of persistent state-sponsored extremist activity. There is no denying that several UN-designated terrorist groups still operate freely on Pakistani soil, fundraising and training with impunity. Clearly, Pakistan's counterterrorism record remains deeply suspect - precisely the kind of red flag CENTCOM cannot afford to ignore. What also merits attention is Pakistan's growing military-industrial entanglement with China that further complicates the entire picture. Joint development of JF-17 fighter jets, naval systems, and missile technology not only cements Islamabad's dependency on Beijing but potentially opens a backdoor into CENTCOM's security architecture. Sensitive intelligence, operational planning, and defence technologies shared with Pakistan could easily end up in Chinese hands—an unacceptable risk when CENTCOM is actively countering Chinese influence across the Indian Ocean and Middle East. Pakistan's enthusiastic embrace of China's Belt and Road Initiative—especially through strategic ports like Gwadar—makes clear where its long-term allegiances lie. In any future confrontation involving Iran, China, or their proxies, Pakistan's loyalties are unlikely to align with American interests. History offers ample warning. This is the same Pakistan that hosted Osama bin Laden within a stone's throw of its military academy while claiming to be a key U.S. ally in the war on terror. The same Pakistan that facilitated Taliban resurgence while cashing American checks. The same Pakistan is now receiving CENTCOM's highest military honours! To trust such a partner with sensitive intelligence—while CENTCOM coordinates missile defence operations in the Gulf, interdicts Iranian proxy arms shipments, and supports Israeli deterrence—defies logic. It invites risk at the very core of the US regional command. A critical US partner in the Indo-Pacific, India has repeatedly exposed Pakistan's duplicity. The recent terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Kashmir—traced back to Pakistani-based networks—highlighted the continuing threat posed by militant sanctuaries across the border. CENTCOM's tolerance of such contradictions not only undermines US counterterror efforts but also alienates regional allies who share American strategic concerns. Pakistan's chronic economic dysfunction compounds the danger. Heavily reliant on IMF bailouts and deep in debt to China, Islamabad's foreign policy is increasingly up for sale. Economic leverage from Beijing - or even Tehran - could skew Pakistan's decision-making at critical moments. CENTCOM simply cannot afford operational dependencies on a state so vulnerable to external pressure. CENTCOM's evolving mission—neutralising Iran's nuclear ambitions, stabilising Gaza, deterring Houthi aggression, and defending Israel—demands absolute trust among partners. Pakistan has never earned that trust. Recent developments only confirm Islamabad's status as a strategic liability. Operational integrity cannot coexist with geopolitical hedging. Intelligence sharing with a country enmeshed in parallel alliances, riddled with terror links, and beholden to Chinese debt is a recipe for disaster. General Kurilla's commendation may have been intended as diplomacy. In reality, it broadcasts strategic confusion at a time when clarity and conviction are needed most. The stakes in the Middle East are too high to tolerate divided loyalties. It's time for CENTCOM to draw clear lines—and Pakistan belongs on the outside of them.
