Mariners to honor Ichiro with statue at T-Mobile Park in 2026
Team chairman and managing partner John Stanton made the announcement Saturday during the ceremony held to retire the No. 51 worn by Ichiro with the Mariners.
"In 2026, we will honor the most prolific hitter our game has ever seen — the man who holds the all-time record for hits in a season; the man who has more global hits than any other player in the history of baseball," Stanton said. "Next year, to celebrate his transcendent international role in baseball and his leadership of the Seattle Mariners, we will build a statue of Ichiro Suzuki."
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Japan Times
6 hours ago
- Japan Times
Trump's transactional approach shapes U.S.-China rivalry
Since his first sojourn in the White House, a hallmark of the Donald Trump presidency has been a harder, more nakedly competitive policy toward China. There are intense debates about how the U.S. can prevail in that struggle but there are no signs that a single strategy guides the administration. Nor will there be one. While there is agreement that China is a strategic competitor, U.S. President Trump appears to think quite differently about the meaning of that concept, the significance of the rivalry and what a resolution or ideal end state looks like. A 'victory' as he defines it might well appall national security traditionalists, along with U.S. allies and partners. The National Security Strategy (NSS) issued during Trump's first administration was explicit, calling out China because it (and Russia) 'challenge American power, influence and interests, attempting to erode American security and prosperity.' Beijing, it said, aims 'to shape a world antithetical to U.S. values and interests, seeks to displace the United States in the Indo-Pacific region, expand the reaches of its state-driven economic model and reorder the region in its favor.' The core of the relationship as explained in the NSS is a relentless competition that (then) demanded a new approach, one that was adopted by the Trump administration and its successor. The president has accused China of stealing U.S. jobs, taking its intellectual property and "totally violating its agreement with us' that was designed to remedy those injustices. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has charged China with abusing global trade rules, stealing U.S. technology and flooding the U.S. with fentanyl. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth has warned that 'China seeks to become a hegemonic power in Asia. It hopes to dominate and control too many parts of this vibrant and vital region. It wants to fundamentally alter the region's status quo.' His national security adviser ... wait ... never mind. Policy hasn't matched the tough talk, however. Trump has ignored Congress and refused to ban the social media app TikTok even though it reportedly poses a national security threat. Last month, his administration reportedly blocked Taiwan President Lai Ching-te from transiting the U.S., forcing postponement of his planned trip to Latin America. Taiwan's defense minister was denied meetings at the Pentagon, again reportedly after complaints from Beijing. Export controls that banned the export of Nvidia's H20 chip to China were reversed and language that warned against the use of Huawei's chips was softened. This behavior is consistent with that of the first Trump administration. Then, Trump intervened to lift sanctions against ZTE, a Chinese telecommunications company, at Chinese leader Xi Jinping's request. His administration prioritized the conclusion of a trade deal with China over all other considerations. That yielded a 'historic trade agreement' (says a White House fact sheet) that has since been dismissed. Analysis by the Peterson Institute for International Economics concluded that China bought a little more than half (58%) of the U.S. exports promised under the deal, failed to return to pre-trade war levels and none of the additional $200 billion in exports that were promised. There are other grounds for criticism of Trump's China policies, but the most fundamental is this: If the NSS is correct and the U.S. is locked in a bitter rivalry with China, why then is Washington pushing away allies and partners — Japan, the European Union and India, to name the three most prominent — that it needs to balance and check China's size, scale and determination to reshape the world in its image? Trump's trade policies have been especially irritating, but his behavior has also raised doubts about U.S. credibility and commitment among even its most reliable friends. There are many explanations but they all reduce to the president himself. For example, Trump's seeming readiness to turn his back on Taiwan reflects his belief that the self-ruling island 'stole' the U.S. chip industry, questions about Taiwan's readiness to defend itself and doubts whether the U.S. could prevent China from unifying the island with the mainland. "Free-riding" is a big complaint: 'Taiwan should pay us for defense. We're no different than an insurance company. Taiwan doesn't give us anything.' Trump's insistence that past presidents were too quick to embroil the U.S. in overseas wars and his seeming aversion to bloodshed contribute to his position. Bradley Nelson of Saint Xavier University concluded that Chinese aggression against Taiwan would only be a problem for Trump because he 'would likely see it as a personal affront' and a sign that Xi 'believed Trump to be weak, nonconfrontational and afraid to stand up to Beijing.' Readiness to pull back tough sanctions on China is either a gesture to show benevolence — Trump claimed that 'China was being hurt very badly. ... They were closing up factories. They were having a lot of unrest' — or recognition that a trade war would inflict unacceptable damage on both sides. Beijing's willingness to cut exports of rare earth minerals critical to high-tech industries was a 'pain point ... the United States could not withstand,' explained Michael Sobolik, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, to the Washington Post. A desire to conclude a trade deal with China seems to outweigh all other considerations. Bloomberg reports that Trump has been 'the least hawkish voice in the room' during meetings, signaling a desire for engagement and deals over confrontation. That would confirm the most widespread explanation for Trump's behavior: He is a dealmaker and transactionalism guides his every move. James Crabtree, a journalist, policy analyst and former adviser to the British government, writes that the president has 'few fixed ideological convictions but he remains a transactional leader.' Knowing that Taiwan is Beijing's overriding concern, Trump's readiness to weaken relations with Taipei facilitates progress on that front. Those searching for a unifying theory argue that Trump's penchant for dealmaking reflects, in Crabtree's words, the 'embrace of a raw form of great-power politics.' The president believes that U.S. power — both economic and military — should dictate outcomes and constraints on that power — his power — are illegitimate. In this world view, there are global powers such as the U.S., China and Russia, regional powers, such as Israel, Turkey and India, and all countries should know their place in that hierarchy. That is most, but not all, of the answer. I'd add that Trump doesn't use 'strategic' as traditionally conceived. His 'China threat' is considerably narrower than that embraced by the NSS and most of the strategic community. Sure, he likes to flex his military muscles and brag about the awesome power that he can yield, but that's not his frame when discussing China. Lyle Goldstein, a senior fellow at the Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs at Brown University, explained to NPR that Trump doesn't talk about the South China Sea. 'He didn't mention going to war over rocks or reefs. He said nothing about the Taiwan Strait or the Luzon Strait. He's focused on commerce. ...' He highlights trade figures — regardless of the real significance of those numbers — because economic statistics, such as size of the economy, job growth, market share, are the most important metrics to him. As Sobolik explained, 'The president cares more about American businesses getting access to China's market than he seems to about national security concerns with Beijing.' White House spokespersons agree without apology, noting that 'This president is successful because he will look anyone in the eye to negotiate better deals for our country, and he will continue to advance American interests." This approach may work — if we use Trump's analytical framework to assess the results. China likes a 'great power mindset' that affords it influence and status. It is as unhappy as Trump with restraints imposed on its sovereignty by international law and multilateral organizations. China too wants a grand bargain, and if Taiwan is part of that equation, then Beijing is likely to deal. Lanxin Xiang, professor emeritus of international history and politics at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies in Geneva, agrees. He laid out his thinking in an interview for the Stimson Center, and his analysis follows mine. Trump hates ideology, which precludes a new Cold War, since it was at heart an ideological conflict; he is a dealmaker who 'likes to make linkages'; and he and Beijing want a 'grand bargain' in which trade is a 'secondary' consideration. Taiwan is the big issue. He adds that most members of the Chinese 'intellectual policy elite' think like him. That is the foundation for a grand bargain. Or at least a bargain. I doubt there would be a lot of applause outside China or from anyone who isn't one of the president's most ardent supporters. Brad Glosserman is a senior adviser at Pacific Forum and the author of "Peak Japan." His upcoming book on the geopolitics of high-tech is expected to be released by Hurst Publishers this fall.
Japan Times
9 hours ago
- Japan Times
Paramount wins exclusive U.S. rights to UFC in $7.7 billion deal
Paramount, days after finalizing its merger with production studio Skydance, said Monday it will pay $7.7 billion for exclusive U.S. broadcast rights to the Ultimate Fighting Championship for seven years — the first major strategic move by the combined company. "The addition of UFC's year-round must-watch events to our platforms is a major win," said Paramount CEO David Ellison, former CEO of Skydance, calling the mixed martial arts franchise a "global sports powerhouse." Under the agreement with UFC owner TKO, streaming service Paramount+ will from next year carry the complete U.S. slate of 13 numbered UFC shows and 30 "Fight Night" events. Paramount+ and Paramount's CBS broadcast network will also simulcast select numbered cards, the companies said. Numbered cards have historically been pay-per-view events featuring top-ranked fighters and championship bouts but now will come at no extra cost to viewers. Ellison, who oversaw Skydance's run of Hollywood action blockbusters and TV series, is committed to increasing Paramount's investment in high-quality exclusive content, which he has called the "single biggest driver of subscriber growth". As cord-cutting accelerates, live sports have emerged as one of the few formats still drawing mass audiences in real time. Rivals Netflix and Disney preceded Paramount in locking down major sports deals. Netflix secured a $5 billion, 10-year global deal for WWE Raw wrestling and added two Christmas Day NFL football games. Disney's ESPN extended rights with U.S. professional football, hockey and baseball leagues and the College Football Playoff invitational tournament. TKO Chief Financial Officer Andrew Schleimer said conversations had been taking place with Paramount since June, though the process dramatically accelerated last week after Paramount completed its drawn-out $8.4 billion merger with Skydance. "Once the merger closed, we were off to the races," said Schleimer. Paramount will pay an average of $1.1 billion a year to TKO Group and shift away from UFC's traditional pay-per-view model. It may seek UFC rights in other markets as they come up for bidding. "They are not playing for near-term earnings outperformance, they are trying to create a long-term imprint on the future of the media industry to 'win,'" LightShed Partners analysts said. UFC stages about 43 live events a year, reaching roughly 100 million U.S. fans and nearly 950 million households globally. The appealing demographics of UFC's audience, which is diverse but skews toward young men, made bidding competitive, said UFC Chief Operating Officer Lawrence Epstein. Epstein said UFC chose Paramount for its financial strength, CBS' broad television reach and Ellison's focus on technology and long time horizon.
Japan Times
9 hours ago
- Japan Times
Fever coach says Caitlin Clark still not ready to return to practice
The Indiana Fever have yet to clear star guard Caitlin Clark to return to practice as she continues her recovery from a right groin injury. Clark will miss her 11th straight game when she sits out Tuesday against Paige Bueckers and the Dallas Wings, and it's likely that she will be sidelined even longer, according to coach Stephanie White's remarks to reporters Monday. Clark only began running full-court last week and has not yet added more to her workload. "No return to practice, she's been able to get a little bit more of her full-court running with all of her body weight," White said following practice. "It's really building up from doing minimal to then building some endurance to do longer periods of time. She's been able to do a little more on the court in terms of how she moves, but not into practice yet." The former Iowa superstar and No. 1 overall draft pick of 2024 was hurt late in the Fever's game at the Connecticut Sun on July 15. She has only played 13 of Indiana's 32 regular-season games due to multiple quad and groin injuries. Her injury-plagued season has also seen her sidelined for the WNBA Commissioner's Cup final and the All-Star Game, the latter held in Indianapolis. Prior to her run of tough injury luck, she did not miss a game due to injury throughout her college career or in her rookie WNBA season. The two-time All-Star was averaging 16.5 points, 8.8 assists, 5.0 rebounds and 1.6 steals per game this season.
