
Broken Republik: The Inside Story of Germany's Descent into Crisis
Broken Republik: The Inside Story of Germany's Descent into Crisis
Author
:
Chris Reiter and Will Wilkes
ISBN-13
:
978-1526679147
Publisher
:
Bloomsbury
Guideline Price
:
£25
The Germany that Friedrich Merz has inherited as chancellor is in shocking shape.
Now in its third year of recession, Germany's postwar engineering-export business model - and underlying prosperity - have been hammered by war on its doorstep, soaring energy prices, brutal bureaucracy, reform-shy politicians and chastening Chinese competition.
At the end of Broken Republik, Bloomberg journalists Chris Reiter and Will Wilkes say they 'remain hopeful that Germany can arrest its slide toward the abyss'. For the 278 previous pages, they have gone to considerable lengths to explain why this is unlikely.
After a scorchingly negative introduction, which may sap the casual reader of the will to continue, the book races through the postwar period before settling into its themes of modern decline and collective denial.
READ MORE
Their insider-outsider gaze provides timely, brutal diagnoses of the hollowed-out promises of modern Germany, in particular dwindling social equality and threadbare welfare nets.
Some chapters shine with original reporting, analysis and clever data collation, in particular Germany's naive self-deception in its trade ties to China and Russia.
Other sections are more desk-bound and Wikipedesque. Curiously absent throughout: German voices or insights into the origins of the status quo or prospects of change.
The British-US team stumble occasionally over their own expat assertions and assumptions of their adopted homeland.
Decrying Germany's lack of national heroes or touchstones, for instance, they go on to dismiss pride in their national writers Goethe and Schiller 'as a form of chauvinism that props up a fragile national identity'.
Their repeated insistence that greater German nationalism - shunned since Nazi era abuse- is the answer for this country's ills seem strange advice in the era of Maga America and Brexit Britain.
After 250 pages of stringent analysis that is strong on what but weak on why, their proposals to save Germany are a mixed bag. A welcome but unoriginal idea is to boost affordable housing with interest-free loans and simpler bureaucracy. Another of their ideas -- for a national asparagus holiday -- has, given the kilo price of this seasonal vegetable, would thrill Marie Antoinette.
For all their knowledge and insights, three decades here mean some of Germany's worst national characteristics have seeped into Broken Republik. Looking on the bright side: its doleful doommongery and hectoring humourlessness will have you whingeing like a local in no time.
Derek Scally is Berlin Correspondent
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Irish Times
an hour ago
- Irish Times
EPA projections require a frank reassessment of Irish climate policies
Judging by the EPA's latest greenhouse gas projections , Ireland's climate policies are in urgent need of an overhaul . The projections issued annually relate to likely carbon emissions across the Irish economy up to 2030, but also for following decades up to 2050. It is clear existing policies are failing to deliver significant emission reductions or are being overtaken by increases in energy demand or economic growth. At best, Ireland might achieve a 16 per cent reduction in agricultural emissions compared with the 51 per cent that is required under law, which is reasonably aligned with our Paris Agreement commitments. This would be with full implementation of measures in the Government's climate action plan. READ MORE But even that 16 per cent is not guaranteed: the EPA reports that emissions under an 'existing measures' scenario might even increase by 2030 above their 2018 levels. That must not be allowed to happen. Why is Ireland failing in climate policy , you might wonder. Don't we have a gold standard climate law? While it's true that our 2021 Climate Act is well designed from a governance point of view, any law – even a good one – is no substitute for political will. That the political will has waned is obvious from a reading of the Programme for Government and the choice of rural independents as coalition partners. But other decisions and non-decisions, delays and prevarications suggest that the Government has little interest or commitment to acting on the recommendations of its climate experts , and prefers to bend to the will of major exporters and a highly self-serving reading of public opinion. Though the policy framework has been considerably improved, it seems to take an age to implement what should be straightforward decisions (and I'm not even speaking of major infrastructure projects). [ Q&A: What should we do about multiple climate risks threatening Ireland? Opens in new window ] The Departments of Finance and Public Expenditure still dictate the pace of investment, and administrative delays in making decisions of any kind are common. Public bodies are notoriously cautious and risk-averse, but that mindset means that we are not getting the decisive actions that the public was promised to clean up our energy system and put Ireland on a path to climate neutrality – ideally, before 2050. The director general of the EPA, Laura Burke, remarked last week at a conference in Dublin Castle that 'additional measures and accelerated implementation' are required if we are to even get close to the 2030 targets. She stated that 'scaling up' efforts will be necessary across the board. But what does that actually mean? For you and me, scaling up our efforts might mean an additional journey by bike or a meat-free dinner once a week, or installing solar panels (if you're privileged enough to own a roof). Worthy actions taken voluntarily make us feel better but they won't put a significant dent in Ireland's emissions. Systemic change requires a different set of levers – the use of regulations, mandates, incentives, subsidies and enforcement. The truth is that our public representatives and policy experts seem unwilling to discuss the big decisions that will be needed to dramatically transform our energy system and land use and prefer to rely on policies and measures that the EPA now acknowledges will not be sufficient. [ The 'foot may be coming off the action pedal': Climate plan fails to build on ambition Opens in new window ] For instance, the Dáil hardly ever debates climate policy though the actual words are mentioned frequently. When the numbers are going in the right direction (eg, chemical nitrogen use) everyone wants to claim the credit (good policy, good farmers, etc). When the numbers are going in the wrong direction (chemical nitrogen figures have increased in 2024 again, which will be confirmed by EPA inventories in coming weeks), no one accepts responsibility. When the pressure mounts to make a decision, policymakers revert to default and recommend another report or a new consultation. And meanwhile we are blowing through the first carbon budget by between 8 and 12 million tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent, which adds up to the total annual emissions of countries like Armenia or Nicaragua. And whenever a negative news story comes out about emissions or climate science, the Government is quick to report Ireland's stellar progress in renewable electricity, even though this, too, is but a small flicker (excuse the pun) of what we will actually need to deliver by 2050. The kind of bold interventions we now need would restrict the energy consumption of large energy users like data centres , restrict urban private car use, and deploy effective, catchment-based limits on nitrogen, ammonia and greenhouse gas pollution from agricultural sources . [ Tech giants' indirect emissions rose 150% in three years amid AI growth, UN says Opens in new window ] Imaginative and brave measures to accelerate the roll-out of renewables and to ensure that their environmental impact is properly assessed and mitigated will be essential. We are facing into a global climate emergency , with global temperature increases now heading well north of 1.5 degrees and the prospect of dangerous climate breakdown occurring within our lifetimes. Clearly the newly established Joint Oireachtas Committee on Climate, Environment and Energy doesn't view it as much of an emergency: following lengthy delays in setting up the Oireachtas committees, it has met just twice since the general election in late November 2024, and only to elect a chair and vice chair. Yes, scaling is hard to do, so we had better do what we know already works and what we are good at delivering. If the magic beans (small-scale nuclear reactors, feed additives, biomethane) don't deliver, then we have to consider more radical pruning. Everything should be on the table, including livestock herd reductions, transport hubs in every town and village, mandatory afforestation in suitable areas and urgent State investment in making heat pumps, solar panels, sustainable building materials and shared mobility services affordable and accessible to all as a priority over the demands of incumbent energy, water and land-hungry industries. And no one needs to be left behind. Sadhbh O'Neill is a climate and environmental researcher and activist


Irish Times
an hour ago
- Irish Times
Department of Transport officials warned Minister Seán Canney not to attend Tesla event
Department of Transport officials warned Minister of State Seán Canney not to attend a Tesla event earlier this year marking the car manufacturer's 10,000th sale in Ireland. The Zero Emission Vehicles Ireland (ZEVIreland) office in the department told Mr Canney Ministers should not meet 'individual car manufacturers'. Instead, Tesla representatives met ZEVI officials in the department's offices on February 25th. The EV Industry Insights Forum event at the Tesla centre in Cork was due to have been held on February 25th, but was later moved to March 14th. READ MORE The invitation to Mr Canney, Independent TD and Minister of State at the Department of Transport, came from Melanie Naughton, Tesla country manager for Ireland, in February, shortly after he was appointed. Ms Naughton wrote to him on February 6th congratulating him on his appointment and inviting him to the event. The invitation came two weeks after Tesla chief executive Elon Musk made a gesture that some interpreted as a fascist salute at a rally celebrating President Donald Trump's second inauguration in January. Mr Musk last month left his role in the US department of government efficiency, which he had joined with the aim of slashing federal government funding. The invitation occurred two weeks before the 'Tesla takedown' movement began in the United States targeting garages selling Tesla cars. In her letter to Mr Canney, Ms Naughton said the milestone event would 'bring insights from industry leaders and innovators' to discuss progress to date and about accelerating the transition to electric vehicles. 'We would be delighted if you could give a short speech on your departmental priorities and ambitions for the electric vehicle sector as we celebrate this milestone,' she wrote. 'Tesla is committed to supporting Ireland's transition to sustainable energy and looks forward to collaborating with the Government to achieve our shared goals.' Documents released under the Freedom of Information Act show the invitation was sent by Mr Canney's office to the ZEVIreland section of the Department of Transport. In response, ZEVIreland advised that no Minister should meet 'individual car manufacturers'. The minutes of the meeting suggest there was an overview of Tesla Ireland and discussions related to vehicle demand and charging infrastructure. ZEVI provided a short overview of its national road EV charging plan and the national road grant scheme. Mr Canney's office did not respond to a request for comment on the matter.


Irish Times
an hour ago
- Irish Times
This is a housing strategy written by Flann O'Brien
When they were introduced in 2016, rent pressure zones (RPZs) represented a courageous move by Simon Coveney and Fine Gael , a party that prefers to let the market determine what happens in housing . The first generation of RPZs limited rent increases to 4 per cent annually in 21 locations. These increases were subsequently reduced to a maximum of 2 per cent annually. RPZs now encompass 83 per cent of all tenancies. Owners of properties in a RPZ being rented for the first time, or after two years' vacancy, can set a market rent but are then restricted to the percentage limit. Outside RPZs, rents can be set every two years to the market rate. Have they worked? Although too often ignored, the rules have mostly been successful, maintaining some affordability and keeping people housed. Have they reduced the supply of new properties for rent? Anti-rent regulation proponents are convinced they have. But although apartment development has slowed down, there is no concrete evidence this is due to rent controls. Similar trends of funds leaving the rental sector have been observed in other countries where there are fewer rent controls, so it's plausible that different factors have convinced investors to punt their cash elsewhere. Ignoring recommendations of the Housing Commission, the Government is now to keep the 2 per cent rent increase maximum for existing tenants, which is welcome. For new-build rental housing, increases will be linked annually to consumer price inflation. After March 1st, 2026, landlords of new ' tenancy arrangements ' will be allowed reset the rent to market rates at the end of every six-year tenancy. The entire country will now be an RPZ, effectively negating the concept. READ MORE Conor Pope takes a closer look at the newly announced rent reforms. Video: Dan Dennison These changes are linked to increased security of tenure from March 2026, which will mean landlords with more than three properties cannot evict a tenant except in limited circumstances, and smaller landlords can evict at any time due to some 'particular hardship' (examples given in the Government's press release include somebody facing bankruptcy, marriage breakdown or homelessness, but the concept is almost certainly open to abuse); for use by an immediate family member; and for sale at the end of a six-year tenancy. There are several likely impacts of the Government's plans. The first is that there will be multiple categories of renters: those with an existing pre-June 2022 tenancy who are currently vulnerable to being legally evicted for any reason after six years; those in an existing post-2022 tenancy; and those in a new-build rental property. This will create more 'rent insiders' and 'rent outsiders', who are generally younger people . Critically, the ability of landlords to reset rents to the market at every new tenancy arrangement should alarm tenants. In the last six years, average new market rents nationally have increased by 41 per cent (to €1,680), and by 31 per cent in Dublin (to €2,177). Many thousands of renters who have to move each year (say, for work or study) will get hammered by this provision, while other tenants are more likely to stay put. Inflation-linked rent rises are attractive when rates are low and economies booming, but not when inflation is high and economies and employment may be at risk. The new system will be so complicated vulnerable renters such as the elderly and those whose first language is not English are far more likely to experience exploitation. Already a challenge, enforcement will increasingly be an issue. Will new rent rules help or hurt tenants - or fix the housing crisis? Listen | 21:19 The Government will bring its latest housing fix to Cabinet today when it presents new rules on rent levels for at boosting supply – by encouraging large institutional investors to build and small landlords to stay in the market – the plan primarily concerns rules around Rent Pressure Zones (RPZ).Presented by Bernice Harrison. Produced by Declan Conlon. These changes are all driven by one overarching aim: a desperate desire to attract the international investment the Government thinks it needs to increase rental supply and help resolve the housing crisis. If new rental supply is triggered by rent inflation, our rising rent problem is apparently going to be solved by allowing rents to rise. Flann O'Brien is now writing housing strategy. On Tuesday, Minister for Housing James Browne couldn't say when rents would fall on foot of these changes, hardly a ringing endorsement of his own policy. (Hint, Minister: no realistic amount of new supply will reverse the 100 per cent increase in rents in the last decade.) The Government also seems content to funnel a generation into long-term expensive renting, while simultaneously overseeing a commensurate decline in home ownership. As UCD professor Aidan Regan has said , for the first time ever this generation of young people may be poorer than its parents. These renters will be paying the pensions of comfortable, retired homeowning teachers in the US and elsewhere as they face years in housing – and wealth – oblivion. The Government is trying to expand a rental sector already twice as large as it should be, and for which there is little public desire compared to housing for sale. The Government is conveniently ignoring its own research which shows that 87 per cent of renters aged 25-49 want to be homeowners. Do we even need this international money? The Society of Chartered Surveyors Ireland has suggested the establishment of a specific private savings fund devoted to housing to allow citizens to invest some of the €143 billion sitting in low interest-paying deposit accounts. So too has Fianna Fáil's own Barry Andrews MEP. Such a fund should be used to build affordable housing for sale, the housing we need. This is also financially efficient: build, sell, recycle the money, go again. You don't need gazillions of international euro to build housing for sale. Better on security of tenure than affordability, the proposals to reform Ireland's imperfect but functioning rent control feels very much like a Government in panic. This impression is not helped by a mismanaged launch, including patchy performances in TV interviews and a botched press release, which had to be reissued a few hours later. By incentivising the rental industry, the Government is anxious to see house completion numbers increase quickly after last year's politically arrogant broken promises – but at the expense of a generation of aspirational homeowners. Once again Government is trying to control a market it can't. Only two things are certain beyond death and taxes: the private sector will not solve our housing problems and, barring global mayhem, rents are not coming down any time soon. Dr Lorcan Sirr is senior lecturer in housing at the Technological University Dublin