Cost of energy is too high
He elaborated further, explaining that the government was revising electricity tariffs. 'It's unaffordable,' Ramokgopa added.
He summed up the situation by saying many poor people would rather buy bread than purchase electricity units. This is a sad reality faced by millions of South Africans every day.
When those with a regular income complain about the cost of electricity, it is evident that the situation has spiralled out of control. We will not discuss the costs involved — the bottom line is that it is expensive.
Before 2007, when Alec Erwin made his public declaration about the end of cheap electricity, protests like the recent one in Ekurhuleni were less common, as South Africa previously enjoyed some of the lowest electricity tariffs.
Since then, an initial 18% increase has been followed by numerous additional hikes. At that time, price adjustments were necessary to fund infrastructure investments and accommodate a growing population.
Consumers who can afford it have been investing in solar power to make their household manageable, but the government has proposed taxing households with solar energy systems.
So, where do we begin to address the problem?
According to the World Bank, Eskom has 66% more staff than needed to serve its customer base.
The power utility has been under increasing pressure to address its overstaffing issues, implement measures to reduce personnel costs, improve efficiency, and ensure its long-term sustainability.
We believe this could be a starting point for lowering electricity tariffs. We would prefer Eskom not to frequently approach the National Energy Regulator of South Africa asking for more and exorbitant tariff increases.
Lastly, South Africa must accept that paying for electricity is the right thing to do.
Nothing for free, unfortunately.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Daily Maverick
9 minutes ago
- Daily Maverick
SMME focus: Why storytelling is the secret weapon of SA's small businesses
South Africa's small businesses face a market obsessed with speed and scale, yet some are thriving by leaning into craft, storytelling, and human connection. In a studio in Woodstock, Cape Town, a group of women crochet hats from hemp and cotton, their movements slow and deliberate. Months later, those same hats sit in a Dior lookbook, worn by models striding Paris runways. This is the improbable story of Earth Age, a business that began with three friends during lockdown and ended up collaborating with one of the most recognisable names in fashion. Their story is also a blueprint for small business in South Africa trying to make sense of a market that rewards sameness and speed over meaning and craft. The fight for value The 'never say die' spirit of a small business is often romanticised. The reality is that the market is tough and only getting tougher. Consultancy company Kantar's annual Mzansi Consumer Barometer tracks national consumer behaviour. Its latest findings show that South Africans are concerned about unemployment, corruption, crime, spiralling living costs, and load shedding. The survey also found that household income was unpredictable in our country, as the sources of income varied from month to month, making it difficult for businesses to plan sales, said Stacey Saggers, commercial growth director at Kantar. When the money does come in, it doesn't stretch far. South Africans are consuming less essential items, Saggers added. Consumers are cutting back on things like luxury food items, alcohol, entertainment, going out and clothing. Lurking in the background are juggernauts like Shein and Temu, peddling fast fashion at prices local makers can't dream of matching. According to Saggers, 75% of South Africans surveyed have shopped on these platforms, and 48% admitted to doing so more in the last year than the one before. Against this backdrop selling a R1,500 handmade jacket feels almost reckless, until you understand the industry shift that's modifying perceptions of value. Story as currency 'People want to purchase something more than just a piece of product. I think it adds value to it when they understand that it comes with so much meaning.' These are the words of Harmonie Mbunga, founder of apparel and accessory brand Udo & Harmony. She observed that customers were initially drawn to the beauty and craftsmanship of her products, and upon learning the story behind them, discovered 'so much more meaning'. This wasn't always the case. Erica Elk, CEO of the Craft and Design Institute (CDI), recalled that 24 years ago, when the CDI was established, there was an expectation that craft products should be cheap because they were made by hand. 'What we tried to do as an organisation with the businesses that we supported was actually to shift that narrative,' she said. 'To say that because they're made by hand, and because they're an expression of an individual person and their creativity, you should be paying more.' The market would respond, she argued. 'Somebody is going to come in and they're not going to want to pay the price, but there will be customers that will come and they will appreciate the quality and the position and the value.' Elk said this was because craft and design weren't products, but rather the 'process of making'. 'When you understand that it's a process of making, then you're opening up market opportunities.' Lessons from the frontlines Brands like Hannah Lavery know this firsthand. In the early days, Lavery's clothes hung on racks in the V&A's Watershed, a Cape Town craft and design marketplace. Their first year was challenging, Lavery said, as the Watershed was a new space and their product 'wasn't that cheap'. Her persistence, however, paid off. 'We gradually got traction and we figured out our product and our messaging,' she said. Before Covid-19, Lavery's online store was an afterthought. 'We knew it was important to have one,' Lavery said, 'but we never actually had any sales come through.' Sometimes it was only one order every three months. Lockdown forced a pivot to online, and with it, a new approach. Lavery stepped in front of the camera. 'I got in front of the camera and, through our social media channels, told the story of what we are and what we do and who my team is.' That human connection led to the growth of her brand and its sales. Luck, strategy and a Dior email Earth Age's founders, Elektra Georgiadis, Ashley Wagner and Amy Kunz, began with restless ambition, dabbling in everything from apparel to homeware before finding their lane. 'We realised, hold on a second, this is impossible! We need to hone in on one product and figure that out,' Georgiadis explained. They chose sustainability as their anchor, reaching for hemp and cotton and making hats their hero product. The hats are crafted by a team of Zimbabwean women using techniques passed down through generations. Then came an email that looked a lot like spam: Dior wanted to collaborate. 'We got this message from someone saying they're from Dior… We all thought we were being scammed,' Georgiadis recalled. The collaboration has propelled Earth Age to explore international markets, now selling their products in London. Winning in a digital world Today, countless small brands are lost in an algorithm-fed blur of sameness. This is because online engagement is exploding. 'Instant messaging and email as well as online video and social networks are absolutely ridiculously getting bigger and bigger every single year,' Saggers said. Podcasts are booming too. In South Africa, one in four people listened to a podcast daily, Saggers said, and 55% listened to a podcast weekly. For small businesses, this could translate into opportunity. 'If you can find a podcast that mirrors what you do with your brand, you have a very big opportunity to amplify awareness of your brand and position yourself as an expert,' she said. The opportunity here was agility. Big brands couldn't do what smaller businesses could, Sagger said. 'They will nod and nod… but none of them change their behaviour. They can't do it because there are too many sign-offs that need to happen, and there's too much risk to their brands to do anything adventurous or entertaining.' Where the opportunities lie Nearly half of South Africans believe the country will be in better shape in five years, Kantar's survey found. Two-thirds expect their personal finances to improve within the next 12 months. That optimism creates a window for the brands that can articulate why they matter. 'There's a juggling act,' Saggers noted as consumers balanced essentials with small indulgences. They would down-trade in some categories to spend on what they truly loved. According to her, the solution was to provide a 'meaningful difference'. In a hyperinflationary environment, consumers would pay up to 14% more for brands they believed in, Saggers added. In South Africa, local mattered. Unlike some African markets, Saggers said, 'Made in South Africa' signalled artisanal, sustainable and something to be proud of. Paired with meaning and digital fluency, it was a potent differentiator. DM
The South African
9 minutes ago
- The South African
Relief for Saffas in New Zealand: Consular service opens in Auckland
Thanks to a new facility that has opened in Auckland, Saffas living in New Zealand no longer have to travel to Wellington for consular services. Launched last week through a partnership with VFS Global, the new centre aims to ease frustrations around passport renewals and civic services for New Zealand-based South Africans. Many expats had previously faced months-long delays — with some even flying back to South Africa to sort out paperwork. South African High Commissioner to New Zealand, Johnny Sexwale, described the development as 'long overdue,' saying it would ease the burden for thousands of SA citizens in NZ. 'This is a journey towards delivering efficient civic services to South Africans,' Sexwale told RNZ . 'The days of travelling great distances to the South African High Commission in Wellington are gone.' 'We want to acknowledge the frustration of the South African citizens over a number of years. We have heard our community. We have responded – not only with words, but with action.' According to immigration consultants, wait times might now be slashed from 12 months to three or four weeks. The Auckland and Wellington centres now both handle passport renewals, offer extended hours, and allow online bookings — a major improvement from the previous system. There is one exception to the new consular service in Auckland – it cannot handle first-time While first-time passport and ID applications. Those still need to be done in person at the Wellington mission. However, discussions are underway to expand delivery options for completed documents. Sexwale also confirmed that the Department of Home Affairs is moving toward a more digital service model, with plans to eventually offer Smart ID applications abroad. Let us know by leaving a comment below, or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 1. Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp, Facebook, X and Bluesky for the latest news.
IOL News
9 minutes ago
- IOL News
The Hypocrisy of Jacob Zuma: A Betrayal of Sahrawi Solidarity
A demonstration in support of the March for Freedom, which aimed to raise awareness of the Sahrawi cause and that of political prisoners held in Toulouse, France on April 19, 2025. Image: AFP Carl Niehaus As a Member of Parliament for the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), I am consumed by a righteous fury that words can scarcely contain. Jacob Zuma's recent reversal on Western Sahara is opportunism and inexplicable hypocrisy of the highest order – a man who, as South Africa's president from 2009 to 2018, upheld Sahrawi solidarity with rhetorical flourish, now suddenly flip-flops to champion Morocco's so-called 'Autonomy Plan' for 'peace and development.' Twisting a dubious story about Morocco's 'historic support' for anti-apartheid exiles into justification for this betrayal, Zuma has sold his soul – and our principles – down the river. Allegations of financial lures, with Morocco's funds reportedly propping up his uMkhonto weSizwe party (MK party), swirl like a dark, toxic cloud, painting this flip-flop as crass opportunism at its ugliest. By displaying our national flag during his July 16, 2025, meeting in Rabat, Zuma falsely creates the impression that he speaks for all South Africans, undermining our sovereignty and the progressive foreign policy that has long stood with the oppressed Sahrawi people. This fractures African unity, weakens the African Union (AU), and emboldens oppressors across the continent. It is nothing less than counterrevolutionary betrayal – a stab in the back to the very ideals Zuma once professed to defend. Not in our name, Zuma! Your actions disgrace the liberation struggle and expose you as a fallen icon, prioritising personal gain over Pan-African solidarity. To appreciate the magnitude of this hypocrisy, let's revisit Zuma's record. During his presidency, Zuma aligned with South Africa's longstanding pro-Sahrawi stance, rooted in the anti-colonial ethos that progressive forces like the EFF champion as a cornerstone of our foreign policy. He hosted Polisario delegations, recognised the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), and condemned Morocco's occupation, viewing it as akin to apartheid's domination. This was no mere rhetoric; it reflected a commitment to self-determination for Africa's last colony. Yet, after having formed the MK party, Zuma's principles evaporated into thin air for the lure of easy money to finance the MK party, which is nothing but a family enterprise for himself and his close family members. Now, as MK party leader, he jets to Rabat on July 15-16, 2025, meets Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita, and declares his party 'recognises the historical and legal context underpinning Morocco's claim to Western Sahara.' He praises the 'Autonomy Plan' as a path to 'peace, development, and stability,' ignoring its repressive core. This sudden about-face is inexplicable, save for the whispers of self-interest. Zuma justifies this by invoking Morocco's 'historic support' – referencing ANC training camps in Oujda during exile. But as is the case with so many of Zuma's stories, this mostly fake and twisted narrative lacks authenticity: Morocco's aid was selective and overshadowed by its covert alliances with apartheid South Africa, including arms deals. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ To use it now as cover for endorsing colonialism is betrayal incarnate. And the financial allegations? Reports suggest Moroccan incentives have swayed the MK party's stance, turning policy into a transaction. These claims, emerging amid the MK party's internal turmoil, paint Zuma's pivot as crass opportunism – dirhams for doctrine, propping up a fledgling and faltering party at the expense of principles. The flag display is the crowning insult. In Rabat, Zuma unfurled our national colours during the meeting, creating the illusion of official South African endorsement. This falsely claims he speaks for the nation, undermining our sovereignty by misrepresenting our voice on the world stage. It erodes the progressive foreign policy that has positioned South Africa as a champion of decolonisation – recognising SADR, advocating referendums, and isolating occupiers. Zuma's opportunistic stunt fractures African unity, handing Morocco a propaganda win to weaken the AU's anti-colonial resolve and embolden oppressors from Rabat to Tel Aviv. This is counterrevolutionary betrayal: a former freedom fighter aiding imperialism, diluting the ethos of Mandela, Hani, and Sankara for personal vendettas and gain. The 'Autonomy Plan'? A Bantustan redux: nominal local rule under Rabat's boot, echoing apartheid's segregated Homelands – unviable puppets denying true freedom. As the late revolutionary icon Winnie Madikizela-Mandela aptly put it in her 2010 speech on Western Sahara, 'We also experienced an attempt at so-called autonomy. Several 'Bantustans', which were ethnically based, totally unviable, 'independent' states, were created on 13% of the most unproductive parts of the country. They were led by puppet dictators. The people rejected these 'countries' outright despite some having been given official recognition by certain Western and African countries.' This led her to suggest that Morocco must have taken lessons from the apartheid regimes. To fully grasp why Zuma's endorsement of this plan is so odious, one must understand the short but brutal history of the oppression of the Sahrawi people. Western Sahara, a vast desert territory on Africa's northwest coast, was colonised by Spain in 1884, becoming known as Spanish Sahara. The indigenous Sahrawi, nomadic Arab-Berber tribes with a rich cultural heritage of poetry, camel herding, and resistance, endured harsh Spanish rule for nearly a century. By the 1970s, as decolonisation swept the continent, the Sahrawis formed the Polisario Front in 1973 to demand independence, inspired by global anti-colonial movements. Spain's withdrawal in 1975, amid UN calls for a self-determination referendum, opened the door to betrayal. Morocco, under King Hassan II, launched the 'Green March' – a mass civilian invasion backed by military forces – claiming historical ties dismissed by the International Court of Justice. Simultaneously, Mauritania invaded from the south. The secret Madrid Accords partitioned the territory, ignoring Sahrawi rights and sparking a guerrilla war. Mauritania withdrew in 1979, but Morocco annexed its share, escalating oppression. Moroccan forces bombed civilian camps with napalm and phosphorus, displacing over 100,000 Sahrawis into Algerian refugee camps, where generations have grown up in exile. Morocco's tactics grew more insidious: constructing the 2,700-kilometre Berm wall in the 1980s – fortified with landmines, radar, and troops – to bisect the territory and contain Polisario fighters. This 'wall of shame' symbolises division, trapping Sahrawis in poverty while Morocco exploits phosphates, fisheries, and potential oil reserves worth billions. Human rights abuses abound: arbitrary arrests, torture, forced disappearances, and suppression of Sahrawi culture and language. A 1991 UN ceasefire promised an independence referendum, but Morocco has obstructed it for decades, proposing instead the Autonomy Plan – limited self-rule under its sovereignty, excluding full freedom. The 2020 ceasefire collapse, triggered by Moroccan incursions, reignited low-intensity conflict, with Polisario resuming armed resistance. Over 170,000 Sahrawi refugees remain in Algerian camps, facing food shortages and harsh conditions, while occupied zones see protests met with brutality. This oppression, violating over 100 UN resolutions, echoes colonial patterns, denying self-determination and perpetuating Africa's last colony. As the EFF, we reject it with the utter contempt that it deserves; we will continue to protest, boycott, and demand justice. Zuma's actions won't deter us; they fuel our revolutionary fire. We call for probes into the MK party's financial ties with the very wealthy Moroccan Royal family, mass protests, and AU expulsion for Morocco. Forward to liberation for the Sahrawi people. The betrayal and oppression of the Sahrawi people will certainly not be tolerated in our name. * Carl Niehaus is a Member of Parliament for the Economic Freedom Fighters. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
