logo
‘Extreme wealth corrodes democracy' — making the case for a maximum wealth limit

‘Extreme wealth corrodes democracy' — making the case for a maximum wealth limit

Daily Maverick14 hours ago
'The challenge is not just that we're seeing large and increasing inequalities across the world. The challenge is that there is a well-connected group of people who are actively rigging the political rules in order to grow the capital they already have.'
Think about these facts for a moment.
There are slightly more than 3,000 billionaires in the world and it is expected that we are only a few years away from the world's first trillionaire. Between 1989 and 2018 this top 1% grew their wealth from $8.4-trillion to $29.5-trillion, while the bottom 50% incurred a net loss of wealth of $900-billion.
On the other hand, according to new calculations from the World Bank, there are more than 808 million people worldwide living in extreme poverty – that is less than $3 per day. Thirty million people live in poverty in South Africa and of that number nearly 14 million live below the food poverty line of R796 per month.
Is this just the natural order of things?
According to Ingrid Robeyns, the author of Limitarianism: The Case Against Extreme Wealth (Penguin, 2024), most certainly not!
In her quest to unpack the deleterious effects of extreme wealth Robeyns has produced a meticulously researched and referenced book. Drawing on her disciplines as an expert in economics and philosophy, and as a one-time student of Amatya Sen, in Limitarianism she unleashes reason in the case against wealth, through the splicing of economics, philosophy, history, morals and ethics.
In addition, Robeyns bases her analysis in part on interviews with several billionaires, particularly those who are trying to limit their own wealth by calling for higher taxation and who have deep insights into the behaviours of their own class. In the US they have formed an organisation called Patriotic Millionaires.
In an argument that is structured with the precision of a founding affidavit her chapters calmly deconstruct extreme wealth on the grounds that:
'It's Keeping the Poor in Poverty While Inequality Grows';
'It's Dirty Money';
'It's Undermining Democracy';
'It's Setting the World on Fire'; and
'Nobody Deserves to Be a Multimillionaire.'
Having set out the evidence, the core of Robeyn's argument is that there should be a limit (she suggests of 10 million) on individual wealth and that inheritance above a certain amount should be forbidden.
Pointing to 'a massive intergenerational wealth transfer' – amounting to 'a staggering $84-trillion that will be transferred to the next generation by 2045' – she quotes philosopher DW Haslett: 'We abolished inheritance of political power; when, then, should we not abolish the inheritance of economic power, too?'
The excess should be returned to the state which, among other options, could recycle it into a universal basic income grant, or savings account for young people, available as a leg-up when they reach adulthood.
Robeyns finishes by making seven proposals for measures to limit wealth, including that there should be a 'balance of economic power':
'[In liberal democracies] We all agree that we need a system of checks and balances; if we delegate political power to one institution, then we need countervailing power in others. Why then don't we have such a balance of economic power? That economics is a domain of power was first recognised by thinkers centuries ago.'
And there's the crux of our modern dilemma. In the neoliberal era elected politicians have surrendered to the economic power of the wealthy and by doing so they have surrendered their ability to carry out the will of the people on the most basic human rights, such as access to healthcare services, education and meaningful employment.
These might seem like a set of radical arguments. They are not. I think they are utopian, in the best sense of utopianism, that is, thinking the 'impossible' in order to make it possible. This was an approach advocated for by people like Rick Turner, the philosopher assassinated by apartheid state agents in January 1978.
We only think it's a radical proposal because we have normalised extreme wealth, just as we have normalised extreme poverty and inequality.
Yet, there are other ways to organise society and economy, and if you accept Robeyns's evidence, that is more a matter of necessity than choice.
At the time I contemplated buying the book, I ummed and ahhed, struggling with a sense of déjà vu. 'I've read these books before. I've heard these arguments before. Is there anything new to be said about wealth and inequality? ' I asked myself.
But I was wrong. Limitarianism is fresh. It's accessible. It's full of facts, analysis and dot-joining. I would particularly recommend it to those who might think that extreme wealth is okay, and I would plead that you read it with an open mind.
We are 10 years after Thomas Piketty's magnum opus, Capital in the Twenty-First Century, and little has changed. In fact the opposite. Extreme wealth accumulation is now supercharged, what John Berger denigrated as the 'inalienable right to profit' now the driving political philosophy of the leader of the world's largest economy.
Indeed, the irony is that it seems the more people have become acquainted with the facts the more numb and disempowered we seem to have become.
As a social justice activist, I drew the following conclusions from reading it: It's time activists focused sustained attention on the case for wealth control, as much as we do on poverty elimination. While we may have debunked the neoliberal idea that wealth trickles down (or rather, it has debunked itself), the more important point is in fact the opposite: that unlimited wealth accumulation creates poverty.
As Robeyns says: 'Extreme wealth concentration is, first and foremost, a structural problem. We should therefore focus above all else on the structural changes that are needed. We shouldn't become fixated on rich individuals per se, unless they are actively hampering the structural changes that are needed.'
It's time for a measured, evidence-based campaign against extreme wealth that helps make people aware of how wealth is being abused in many ways that threaten democracy, human life and ultimately the planet itself. DM
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

‘Extreme wealth corrodes democracy' — making the case for a maximum wealth limit
‘Extreme wealth corrodes democracy' — making the case for a maximum wealth limit

Daily Maverick

time14 hours ago

  • Daily Maverick

‘Extreme wealth corrodes democracy' — making the case for a maximum wealth limit

'The challenge is not just that we're seeing large and increasing inequalities across the world. The challenge is that there is a well-connected group of people who are actively rigging the political rules in order to grow the capital they already have.' Think about these facts for a moment. There are slightly more than 3,000 billionaires in the world and it is expected that we are only a few years away from the world's first trillionaire. Between 1989 and 2018 this top 1% grew their wealth from $8.4-trillion to $29.5-trillion, while the bottom 50% incurred a net loss of wealth of $900-billion. On the other hand, according to new calculations from the World Bank, there are more than 808 million people worldwide living in extreme poverty – that is less than $3 per day. Thirty million people live in poverty in South Africa and of that number nearly 14 million live below the food poverty line of R796 per month. Is this just the natural order of things? According to Ingrid Robeyns, the author of Limitarianism: The Case Against Extreme Wealth (Penguin, 2024), most certainly not! In her quest to unpack the deleterious effects of extreme wealth Robeyns has produced a meticulously researched and referenced book. Drawing on her disciplines as an expert in economics and philosophy, and as a one-time student of Amatya Sen, in Limitarianism she unleashes reason in the case against wealth, through the splicing of economics, philosophy, history, morals and ethics. In addition, Robeyns bases her analysis in part on interviews with several billionaires, particularly those who are trying to limit their own wealth by calling for higher taxation and who have deep insights into the behaviours of their own class. In the US they have formed an organisation called Patriotic Millionaires. In an argument that is structured with the precision of a founding affidavit her chapters calmly deconstruct extreme wealth on the grounds that: 'It's Keeping the Poor in Poverty While Inequality Grows'; 'It's Dirty Money'; 'It's Undermining Democracy'; 'It's Setting the World on Fire'; and 'Nobody Deserves to Be a Multimillionaire.' Having set out the evidence, the core of Robeyn's argument is that there should be a limit (she suggests of 10 million) on individual wealth and that inheritance above a certain amount should be forbidden. Pointing to 'a massive intergenerational wealth transfer' – amounting to 'a staggering $84-trillion that will be transferred to the next generation by 2045' – she quotes philosopher DW Haslett: 'We abolished inheritance of political power; when, then, should we not abolish the inheritance of economic power, too?' The excess should be returned to the state which, among other options, could recycle it into a universal basic income grant, or savings account for young people, available as a leg-up when they reach adulthood. Robeyns finishes by making seven proposals for measures to limit wealth, including that there should be a 'balance of economic power': '[In liberal democracies] We all agree that we need a system of checks and balances; if we delegate political power to one institution, then we need countervailing power in others. Why then don't we have such a balance of economic power? That economics is a domain of power was first recognised by thinkers centuries ago.' And there's the crux of our modern dilemma. In the neoliberal era elected politicians have surrendered to the economic power of the wealthy and by doing so they have surrendered their ability to carry out the will of the people on the most basic human rights, such as access to healthcare services, education and meaningful employment. These might seem like a set of radical arguments. They are not. I think they are utopian, in the best sense of utopianism, that is, thinking the 'impossible' in order to make it possible. This was an approach advocated for by people like Rick Turner, the philosopher assassinated by apartheid state agents in January 1978. We only think it's a radical proposal because we have normalised extreme wealth, just as we have normalised extreme poverty and inequality. Yet, there are other ways to organise society and economy, and if you accept Robeyns's evidence, that is more a matter of necessity than choice. At the time I contemplated buying the book, I ummed and ahhed, struggling with a sense of déjà vu. 'I've read these books before. I've heard these arguments before. Is there anything new to be said about wealth and inequality? ' I asked myself. But I was wrong. Limitarianism is fresh. It's accessible. It's full of facts, analysis and dot-joining. I would particularly recommend it to those who might think that extreme wealth is okay, and I would plead that you read it with an open mind. We are 10 years after Thomas Piketty's magnum opus, Capital in the Twenty-First Century, and little has changed. In fact the opposite. Extreme wealth accumulation is now supercharged, what John Berger denigrated as the 'inalienable right to profit' now the driving political philosophy of the leader of the world's largest economy. Indeed, the irony is that it seems the more people have become acquainted with the facts the more numb and disempowered we seem to have become. As a social justice activist, I drew the following conclusions from reading it: It's time activists focused sustained attention on the case for wealth control, as much as we do on poverty elimination. While we may have debunked the neoliberal idea that wealth trickles down (or rather, it has debunked itself), the more important point is in fact the opposite: that unlimited wealth accumulation creates poverty. As Robeyns says: 'Extreme wealth concentration is, first and foremost, a structural problem. We should therefore focus above all else on the structural changes that are needed. We shouldn't become fixated on rich individuals per se, unless they are actively hampering the structural changes that are needed.' It's time for a measured, evidence-based campaign against extreme wealth that helps make people aware of how wealth is being abused in many ways that threaten democracy, human life and ultimately the planet itself. DM

Cost of energy is too high
Cost of energy is too high

IOL News

time6 days ago

  • IOL News

Cost of energy is too high

We fully agree with Electricity and Energy Minister Kgosientsho Ramokgopa's clear and succinct statement to a television station: the cost of electricity in South Africa is "unsustainable" and is forcing many households into energy poverty. He elaborated further, explaining that the government was revising electricity tariffs. 'It's unaffordable,' Ramokgopa added. He summed up the situation by saying many poor people would rather buy bread than purchase electricity units. This is a sad reality faced by millions of South Africans every day. When those with a regular income complain about the cost of electricity, it is evident that the situation has spiralled out of control. We will not discuss the costs involved — the bottom line is that it is expensive. Before 2007, when Alec Erwin made his public declaration about the end of cheap electricity, protests like the recent one in Ekurhuleni were less common, as South Africa previously enjoyed some of the lowest electricity tariffs. Since then, an initial 18% increase has been followed by numerous additional hikes. At that time, price adjustments were necessary to fund infrastructure investments and accommodate a growing population. Consumers who can afford it have been investing in solar power to make their household manageable, but the government has proposed taxing households with solar energy systems. So, where do we begin to address the problem? According to the World Bank, Eskom has 66% more staff than needed to serve its customer base. The power utility has been under increasing pressure to address its overstaffing issues, implement measures to reduce personnel costs, improve efficiency, and ensure its long-term sustainability. We believe this could be a starting point for lowering electricity tariffs.​ We would prefer Eskom not to frequently approach the National Energy Regulator of South Africa asking for more and exorbitant tariff increases. Lastly, South Africa must accept that paying for electricity is the right thing to do. Nothing for free, unfortunately.

Kenya's defiant youth committed to ousting impotent Ruto
Kenya's defiant youth committed to ousting impotent Ruto

IOL News

time18-07-2025

  • IOL News

Kenya's defiant youth committed to ousting impotent Ruto

Protesters chant anti-government slogans atop a vandalised car used as a barricade to block a road during Saba Saba Day demonstrations in Nairobi on July 7, 2025. Saba Saba Day marks the uprising on July 7, 1990 when Kenyans demanded a return to multi-party democracy after years of autocratic rule by then-president Daniel Arap Moi. Image: AFP Kim Heller President William Ruto is facing fierce scrutiny. Calls for the first citizen of Kenya to resign are mounting as rage simmers around the government's inability to fuel economic recovery and growth, corruption, and police brutality. Kenya is experiencing significant political turbulence. In June 2024, the youth of Kenya, worn down by poverty, joblessness, and ever-increasing living expenses, took to the streets in a show of wrath against the Finance Bill and the Ruto administration. The Bill proposed taxation on basic goods and would have placed an unbearably heavy economic burden on Kenya's most indigent citizens. At least sixty protestors were killed in the 2024 anti-taxation protests. This year, blood has continued to flow in the streets of Kenya. The anti-taxation protest has evolved into a mighty movement against the lacklustre economic performance of the Ruto administration, its unscrupulous and repressive state institutions, and its score of broken promises to revive youth employment and economic prospects. Since 25 June, forty-seven protestors have been killed by the police, and hundreds arrested. Muffling the cries of anguished young Kenyan protestors through state savagery is the mark of a government in the throes of illegitimacy. Public trust in Ruto's administration is plunging. Neo-liberal, anti-poor reforms and austerity measures, devised by the IMF and World Bank and poorly navigated by Ruto, have brought no relief or prospects for Kenya's young population. Kenya is the IMF's second-largest borrower, after Egypt. Its dependency on the IMF poses a perpetual threat to Kenya's sovereignty. Kenya's former Chief Justice, Willy Mutunga, has criticised Ruto's administration for placing foreign creditors ahead of local needs. Ruto's fiscal approach, bankrolled by foreign parties, is geared towards keeping bankruptcy at bay and tackling debt servicing and inflation control. However, it appears to be backfiring, as ordinary Kenyans, especially the youth, reject foreign intervention as an economic burden, worsening the economic decline and debt situation. For now, the Kenyan economy is dangerously weak. Deep-seated frustrations with the incumbent government have created an ever-present storm of discontent. It is in this political whirlwind that Ruto could be ousted by a hostile electorate in 2027. The political quick fix of co-opting Raila Odinga into the government has not tamed discontent. Nor does it offer economic cure or consolation. Despite parliamentary domination and somewhat feeble opposition, Ruto may fail to win a second Presidential term. His survival will hinge on his readiness to reconfigure the economy to serve the neediest, abandon anti-poor fiscal policies, and create much-needed jobs. If he fails to address allegations of government corruption and denounce police violence against citizens, Ruto will be a no-hoper in the upcoming game of thrones. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ In a television interview with Citizen TV Kenya this week, well-known exiled Kenyan political activist and constitutional lawyer, Dr. Miguna Miguna, spoke about how, through the ages, the youth are always the mortar of change. He commended the current generation of youth in Kenya for doing a "marvellous, historical job". President William Ruto pipes an altogether different tune. On 9 July 2025, the President of Kenya instructed police to shoot protesters who damage businesses in the leg to hinder them. His message was clear: "Kenya cannot and will not be ruled through threats, terror, or chaos. Not under my watch." In the recent protests, a pre-teen was killed by a stray bullet. Her death will forever be a sad reminder of a nation at war with itself. It is heartbreaking treachery by Ruto, who pledged to be the champion of the youth. The recent death of well-known blogger, Albert Ojwang, while he was in police custody, and the killing of an innocent street trader, Boniface Kariuki, by police during the July 2025 protests have exacerbated tensions. The centre is not holding. The people of Kenya are decisively turning against their President. Ruto's international friends are unlikely to lend a hand to save him. Left to fester, the pandemonium of protests could impair the 2027 election, further imperil job creation, and endanger international and regional trade. Ongoing protest action also poses a threat to regional stability, trade routes and economic cooperation. Kenya, once a beacon of resilience in East Africa, is fast becoming a trigger for political mobilisation and activism of and by the youth, inspiring the birth of regional movements. The grievances that fuel the protest must be addressed, but not through repressive mechanisms. The challenge for Ruto is to move Kenya from rupture to recalibration. The wise words of renowned Kenyan author, Ngugi wa Thiong'o ring true, "Our lives are a battlefield on which is fought a continuous war between the forces that are pledged to confirm our humanity and those determined to dismantle it; those who strive to build a protective wall around it, and those who wish to pull it down." The Ruto administration is unlikely to find its humanity and humility in the current battleground that is playing out in the streets of Kenya. The current administration is failing in its duty to protect its citizenry. For many decades, Dr Miguna has spoken of the need for a new constitutional order in Kenya and the creation of a democratic developmental state, founded on economic decolonisation. This would be a promised land for the economically dislodged and disempowered youth of Kenya. But such economic and political recalibration is unlikely to be part of the playbook of the Ruto regime. The very generation that Ruto promised to uplift out of poverty in his election campaign is the same generation that could well drive him out of the seat of power. That would be a touch of justice. * Kim Heller is a political analyst and author of No White Lies: Black Politics and White Power in South Africa. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store