
South Korea, Vietnam leaders pledge closer ties as US tariffs shake up trade
There was no public discussion of the levies - 15% on South Korean products going to the U.S. and 20% for Vietnamese goods - as South Korean President Lee Jae Myung hosted Vietnam's To Lam as his first state guest since taking office in June.
But Trump's tariffs on products from Asian countries have increased uncertainty over future business commitments, with Vietnamese official data showing a slowdown in new investment.
Lam, the Vietnamese Communist Party general secretary, said they agreed to expand trade with each other to $150 billion by 2030 - from about $86.8 billion in 2024 - and that Vietnam welcomed an increase in investment by South Korean businesses.
"Our countries agreed that about 10,000 Korean companies operating in Vietnam contribute to Vietnam's economic development and mutually beneficial cooperation between the two countries," Lee said in a televised address.
"I asked for a continued interest in the stable economic activities of our companies in Vietnam," Lam added.
Lam led a delegation of industry, trade, foreign and technology ministers and senior party and parliament members on the four-day state visit.
The countries signed 10 memoranda of understanding, pledging cooperation in areas including nuclear and renewable energy, monetary and financial policies, and science and technology, Lee's office said.
Other agreements covered cooperation in infrastructure, including high-speed rail, Lee's office said.
In a speech at South Korea's Yonsei University, Lam urged South Korean companies to keep investing in Vietnam and warned of the risk of fragmenting supply chains.
"Vietnam welcomes South Korean enterprises to expand their investments in the country, emphasising substantive cooperation in technology," Lam said.
Lam said the countries should make it a top priority to jointly develop semiconductors and make breakthroughs in new materials, calling on Korea to keep nurturing Vietnamese talent in areas like AI, biotech and shipbuilding.
A number of major South Korean companies including Samsung Electronics have used Vietnam as an export hub, benefiting for years from lower labour costs, generous tax incentives and Hanoi's numerous free trade pacts with dozens of countries.
South Korean companies have been cited as potential investors in Vietnam's planned nuclear energy, LNG power plants and high-speed rail projects.
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Reuters
14 minutes ago
- Reuters
Pilot union objects to India's call for global code of conduct on pilot poaching
NEW DELHI, Aug 11 (Reuters) - A pilot union has objected to the Indian government's call for a global code of conduct on countries hiring each other's airline staff, saying the move is contrary to international norms on employment and risks creating conditions of "bonded labour". Reuters reported last week that India had raised concerns with the International Civil Aviation Organization, the U.N.'s aviation agency, on worries that its fast-growing aviation market was being impeded by the poaching of Indian pilots and cabin crew without adequate notice. A booming aviation market is seen as key to supporting Prime Minister Narendra Modi's aviation goals, but India is short of experienced pilots. Indian government rules mandate a minimum notice period of six months for pilots and a no-objection certificate from an airline for them to join a rival. Those strict rules are currently being challenged by pilot bodies in court. In the working paper Reuters cited, India asked for the creation of a code of conduct on the movement of skilled aviation workers among ICAO's member countries. The paper didn't specify how the code of conduct would work. In a letter sent on Friday to India civil aviation minister Ram Mohan Naidu, the head of Airline Pilots' Association of India (ALPA India) said the working paper misdiagnosed the outflow of aviation talent. ALPA India attributed the drain to factors such as poor working conditions, a lack of job security, limited career growth opportunities and an absence of standardized pay structures at airlines. "Targeting outbound employment from India sets a dangerous precedent and is inconsistent with ICAO's principles of consensus, collaboration and international workforce mobility," ALPA India president Sam Thomas said in the letter, which was also published on the pilot union's X account. The body represents about 1,100 pilots in India. Naidu's office was not immediately available for a comment. Thomas urged Naidu to withdraw the working paper and call for an urgent consultative meeting with ALPA India and other stakeholders to discuss solutions to workforce challenges and prioritize reforms in working conditions and pay.


The Guardian
43 minutes ago
- The Guardian
We expected dominance but Peak China may finally have arrived
Proclamations about the inevitability of China's dominance of the global economic system, or the so-called Chinese century, are much less validated by contemporary Trumpian angst than what should be the Communist party's appeal to its intrinsic values and virtues. Common concerns about coercive politics and human rights aside, some notions of China as an unstoppableeconomic, technological and military behemoth sit alongside others focused more on an increasingly sclerotic, over- centralised political economy, that depends on wasteful economic stimulus, and features poor governance and institutions. The fusion of these notions suggests that we may already have reached 'peak China'. At the time of the 2008 financial crisis, China's official, and probably exaggerated, GDP was about $14tn (£10.4tn), or about a third of that of the US. By 2021, it had risen to three-quarters of America's $23.7tn, and there was widespread talk about in which year of the 2020s China would overtake the US. By 2024, however, China's $18tn economy had fallen back to just over 62% of the almost $30tn of the US. In GDP per head terms, China is still no more than 20% of the US. A rising China uniquely lifted its share of global GDP between 2000 and 2021 from 3.5% to 18.5%, but since then it has slipped back to about 16.5%. There is no question that China's rise is at least stalling. The working age and total population are now in relentless decline. The urbanisation rate, just over 60%, is flattening out. Productivity growth has stalled. The long surge in China's share of global manufacturing exports and production has levelled off, and the external environment for China is now much harder and more hostile. A 90-day pause in the US-China tariff war is due to expire on Tuesday, and it is unclear whether it will be extended. Part of the problem is that China has reached the end of extrapolation. The past really is another country. Some of its growth engines could only ever fire once, for example, enrolling children in primary and secondary schools; improving basic healthcare; reaping the demographic dividend of falling dependency rates; and moving people from the countryside to higher-productivity, urban jobs. Some growth also flowed from a number of highly effective policy initiatives such as those captured by the era of reform and opening-up, inspired by Deng Xiaoping: joining the World Trade Organization; creating a genuine market in housing, and exploiting globalisation. None of these can happen again. China's growth model, moreover, based on unrealistically high growth targets and uniquely high investment and savings rates, is becoming swamped by stagnant productivity, debt service difficulties, and misallocation of capital. At the Central Economic Work Conference in December last year, China's premier, Li Qiang, summarised his country's condition by saying candidly that the foundation for sustained economic recovery and growth is not strong, demand is weak, there are pressures on job creation and 'fiscal difficulties' among several local governments. Although consumption has been made a top priority, actual policy measures to make it so have been underwhelming, partly because redistributing economic power to companies and citizens also entails changes in political power, which are anathema to the Communist party. The structural downturn in the property sector, which had at one stage accounted for more than a quarter of the economy, is likely to shrink for the foreseeable future, dogged by lower rates of household formation and smaller cohorts of first-time buyers, both linked to demographics, and a chronic oversupply of unsold and uncompleted real estate. The government has softened its approach to private enterprises and approved a new private economy promotion law to bolster AI, technology clusters and hubs, and reduce regulatory barriers. Low business confidence, though, is not really about regulations but about political interference, and weak demand and profits. The super-globalisation from which China benefited is pretty much over, and the world's biggest export nation is now confronted by a fragmenting and fracturing trade and investment environment in which commerce within blocs is holding up better than trade between them. China's bloc includes a majority of the world's population, but very small proportions of world GDP, investment and wealth. At the same time, developed and middle-income economies, as well as emerging nations, are pushing back against what they perceive to be predatory trade policies by a mercantilist China. Peak China does not stem from doubts about China's industrial prowess and pedigree. It is, though, about two things that can be simultaneously true: China can have world-class companies and trendsetters such as Alibaba, Tencent, BYD, CATL, Huawei and DeepSeek, as well as an economy with systemic imbalances, debt capacity limits, and political and economic contradictions. Put another way, China has islands of technological excellence and leadership in a sea of macroeconomic turbulence and trouble. This characterised Peak Japan 40 years ago, and China is shaping up for the encore. George Magnus is a research associate at Oxford University's China Centre and at Soas University of London. He is the author of Red Flags: Why Xi's China is in Jeopardy


The Guardian
2 hours ago
- The Guardian
‘I don't expect to live a normal life': how a Leeds teenager woke up with a Chinese bounty on her head
It was Christmas Eve 2024 and 19-year-old Chloe Cheung was lying in bed at home in Leeds when she found out the Chinese authorities had put a bounty on her head. As she scrolled through Instagram looking at festive songs, a stream of messages from old school friends started coming into her phone. Look at the news, they told her. Media outlets across east Asia were reporting that Cheung, who had just finished her A-levels, had been declared a threat to national security by officials in Hong Kong. There was an offer of HK$1m (£94,000) to anyone who could assist in her arrest or capture. News reports included a photograph of her aged 11, seemingly the only picture officials had of her before she and her family left to resettle in the UK in 2020. 'I couldn't even really recognise myself,' she says. Cheung says she was still in a state of shock as friends started jokingly congratulating her on her infamy. After finishing school, she had been working as a communications assistant for a campaign group in the UK that advocates for democracy in Hong Kong. She could barely believe that Chinese officials would care about a teenager living thousands of miles away. Yet, as friends started unfollowing her on social media, the life-changing consequences of what had just happened became clear. 'They were saying 'sorry, but you are a criminal in Hong Kong now so we can't be associated with you.' Even friends here in Leeds said they would have to stop seeing me as they wanted to be able to go back to Hong Kong,' she says. Cheung had dreamed of a gap year travelling the world and visiting friends in Hong Kong. Neither was possible now, after Chinese officials vowed to 'pursue for life' Cheung and others they accuse of promoting democracy. Beijing has a history of targeting critics in exile and pressuring countries to detain and deport them. 'The bounty will follow me for ever. It's a form of psychological warfare – telling the world that dissent has no safe haven. Even if you were just a teenager when you spoke out, you're not safe,' says Cheung. But if China's aim was to dissuade her from taking a public stance on Hong Kong or criticising it, it has not worked. Cheung says she has no intention of staying quiet. Growing up in Hong Kong, Cheung says she always felt patriotic and used to 'love running home for the flag-raising ceremony that happened on TV at 6.30pm'. But that all changed in 2019-20 when millions of people took to the streets of Hong Kong. The demonstrators were protesting against the increasingly autocratic authority of Beijing and the control it wanted to exert over the former British territory, which since 1997 has been classified as a 'special administrative region' – part of Chinese territory but governed under separate rules and laws to the mainland. Transnational repression is the state-led targeting of refugees, dissidents and ordinary citizens living in exile. It involves the use of electronic surveillance, physical assault, intimidation and threats against family members to silence criticism. The Guardian's Rights and freedom series is publishing a series of articles to highlight the dangers faced by citizens in countries including the UK. Until then, Hong Kong had been allowed a degree of autonomy from mainland China, including a partially democratically elected executive and an independent media. From 2020, after several years of pro-democracy protests known as the 'umbrella revolution', Beijing began to impose closer control over the territory, including changing election laws so that only pro-Beijing 'patriots' could run for office, and introducing extradition powers allowing it to transfer fugitives to the mainland. The constitutional principle of 'one country, two systems', agreed with the British before the handover in 1997, was abandoned, with Hong Kong's pro-democracy parties later disbanding as the possibility of peaceful political change receded. 'At the time I attended my first protest [in 2019], I was expecting it to be completely peaceful because I was taught at school that we have freedom of speech and press in Hong Kong,' Cheung recalls. 'Then suddenly, the police started shooting teargas and rubber bullets at us and started arresting people really violently; dragging protesters and standing on their necks. I was just 14 and my worldview completely changed. 'I realised whatever we had been learning in school was a lie,' she says. 'I'd been brainwashed. I felt helpless and fooled.' Sign up to Global Dispatch Get a different world view with a roundup of the best news, features and pictures, curated by our global development team after newsletter promotion Thousands of protesters and opponents of the new powers were arrested and charged in a brutal crackdown that led to condemnation from countries including the UK, which offered residents in Hong Kong the chance to resettle. Although her parents were not political, Cheung says they could see that it was better for her and her younger brother's future to move to the UK. Her family, says Cheung, 'knew I was someone who doesn't know how to shut up. They didn't want either of us to end up in prison for speaking our mind, because my mum said, 'You are kind of nobody. No one would know that you're in prison.'' The family arrived in Leeds in 2020, where Cheung, then 15, threw herself into studying for her GCSEs. With the UK going through Covid lockdowns, she spent most of her time at home catching up on the syllabus and practising past exam papers. After a successful first year, she went on to study maths, further maths and economics for A-level. Her first taste of activism outside Hong Kong came at 18 after she made a submission to the UN on the experiences of women during the 2019-20 protests in the city. She was later invited to the UN office in Geneva to join an NGO meeting on the topic. It was here that she met members of the Committee for Freedom in Hong Kong, which advocates for democracy. 'At that point I knew I could not afford to go to university yet [as she would have to pay the higher overseas tuition fees] so asked the committee if I could take a job working for them,' she says. 'I didn't imagine it would be a career and when I was hired it was just on a short-term contract, more or less as an intern,' says Cheung. 'I was happy just to save up money.' She soon began taking on a more public role at the committee, speaking to MPs and journalists while using her real name. She thinks it was this that irked Chinese officials. 'I spoke with a lot of media and my quotes were used as someone who was born and grew up in Hong Kong and so with a personal connection. The authorities saw that and intentionally want to target people who have got a profile.' After the bounty and warrant for her arrest were announced, Cheung says she did consider taking herself out of the public spotlight. 'But I thought if I do this now everyone will know it is because I am scared and giving up,' she says. 'They [China] want to stop others from speaking out publicly, but I know I am fortunate to have my family here in the UK.' However, it has not been easy. Cheung has faced an onslaught of sexual harassment and abuse via social media and was followed by two 'suspicious-looking' Chinese men to a restaurant after an event. She reported the incident to the police. She has had to change her address and is now cautious about meeting new people. In 2022, a pro-democracy protester demonstrating on the pavement was dragged into China's consulate in Manchester before being beaten up in a 'barbaric' attack. 'It was certainly because a UK police officer broke diplomatic protocol and stepped into the grounds of the consulate to save him that something worse didn't happen to that protester,' she says. 'He could have disappeared. It's just a matter of time before someone is kidnapped or killed, given how much China is escalating their overseas repression.' Aside from her personal safety, Cheung realises her public profile is now limiting her future choices in life. 'I have shut off a lot of job opportunities with any company that has business ties or trade with China. They won't hire me now. 'I don't expect to live a normal life, but compared with the people in prison back in Hong Kong, my sacrifice is nothing. I really want to see a free Hong Kong so if my public role can help the situation a little bit, it will be worthwhile.' A spokesperson for the government of the Hong Kong special administrative region said Cheung was an 'absconder hiding in the UK' and wanted for 'blatantly engaging in activities endangering national security'. They added that she would be 'pursued regardless of distance'.