Best early EOFY travel deals for 2025
June 30 is coming up quick and fast, which can only mean two things: time to sort out your tax and time to shop the End of Financial Year Sales (EOFY).
Let's face it, we all know which is more enjoyable.
Traditionally regarded as a time to shop for tax deductible work items, EOFY has lately become the perfect excuse for any and all to host a sale - travel brands included.
This year we're already seeing Flight Centre axe prices by up to 60 per cent in its Big Red Sale. Extended until June 6 (though we're betting they'll extend again!) flights, cruises, tours and accommodation worldwide have all been given a mighty price slash.
Highlights that are sure to sell out soon include $1310 return flights to Rome on Air China, $599 return flights to Singapore on Malaysia Airlines, 2-for-1 Premium European River cruise from Budapest and eight nights at the adults-only Kamala Beach Resort in Phuket from $330 per person.
Today, Amazon joined in the fun with a Mid-Year sale stocked to the gills with heavily discounted tech, toys and homewares. If you've been eyeing a robovac for way too long, the ECOVACS DEEBOT T20e Omni is down to $799 (was $1999) while campers (including backyard ones) can snap up a XuanPad Mini Projector for outdoor movie nights for $128.99 (down from $199.99).
For suitcases, American Tourister and Antler have both taken up to 50 per cent off their bestsellers.
Close on their heels Samsonite and Myer are running 40 per cent off luggage sales, while The Iconic has plucked out some best-selling American Tourister, Samsonite, Kathmandu and Cobb & Co collections and docked hundreds of dollars off each.
After those precious tax deductibles? HP is slinging half-price laptops, Lenovo is inching ahead with 51 per cent off selected laptops and tablets and Myer's got 15 per cent off tech gear like earbuds, speakers and headphones.
With the End of Financial Year sales running throughout June, we've got it on good authority that there will be lots more deals coming in the new weeks.
We'll update this story as they drop. In the meantime, here are the best early EOFY sales that you can shop today.
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Please note: Prices are correct and products in stock at time of publishing. We'll do our best to keep this story updated, but be aware products move fast during sales events.
BEST EARLY END OF FINANCIAL YEAR DEALS
Myer
Flight Centre
The Iconic
Up to 60 per cent off end of season sale
50 per cent off selected travel and luggage
Smilie
Amazon Australia
Antler
Up to 50 per cent off luggage
LATRAVLA
20 per cent off silk pillow wraps. Use code SLEEPWELLTRAVEL
The Good Guys
American Tourister
Mid Year Sale: Up to 50 per cent off
Samsonite
BEST EARLY END OF FINANCIAL YEAR TRAVEL SALES
Luxury Escapes
Up to 47 per cent off The Star Grand Hotel, two nights from $599 per room. Includes daily breakfast, $50 dining credit, late checkout and free parking.
Up to 50 per cent off Rydges Resort Hunter Valley, two nights from $429 per room. Includes daily breakfast, nightly cocktails, wine tastings and discounted spa treatments and golfing.
Up to 62 per cent off The Mulia, five-nights from $2899 per suite. Includes daily breakfast, daily lunch or dinner, two hours of free-flow cocktails, afternoon tea and canapes, beach club access, kids' club access and 24-hour butler service.
Up to 71 per cent off The Haven Khao Lak, seven nights from $949 per room. Includes daily breakfast and lunch or dinner, two hours of daily free-flow cocktails, massages, shuttle and late checkout.
Includes daily breakfast, dining credit and daily cocktails.
Up to 65 per cent off Grand Mirage Resort & Thalasso Bali, six nights from $2399 per room. All-inclusive package, with unlimited dining, free-flow drinks and some massages.
Babybee
WAS Travel Insurance
10 per cent off insurance policies when you use the code WISESILENT10
Escape Deals
Strandbags
Up to 50 per cent off selected handbags
Booking.com
Save up to 20 per cent on stays worldwide. Book by September 30, 2025.
Expedia
At least 20 per cent off last-minute weekend stays
Mix & Match
Skyscanner
BEST EOFY TECH DEALS
Lenovo
HP
Up to 45 per cent off selected laptops
Samsung
BEST EOFY FASHION DEALS
Boody
Up to 70 per cent off sale stock
Up to 25 per cent off bundles
15 per cent off your first order when you sign up
The Oodie
Up to 50 per cent off sitewide
Lorna Jane
$60 Black Lotus Leggings
Up to 40 per cent off selected styles
Lululemon
Mid-Year Sale
Step One
Buy 8, get 10 free
Calvin Klein
Up to 50 per cent off sitewide
Witchery
Up to 50 per cent off the end of season sale
Country Road
Up to 50 per cent off selected styles
Adidas
40 per cent off the end of season sale
Nine West
$50 off full priced shoes
Coach Outlet
BEST HEALTH AND BEAUTY DEALS
Bescher Beauty
Oz Hair and Beauty
Up to 75 per cent off sale
Priceline
Lovehoney
20-50 per cent off sale
BEST EOFY HOME DEALS
Yoto
Dyson
$550 off the Dyson V15s Detect Submarine Complete vacuum, $1099 (down from $1649)
$150 off the Dyson Airstrait Straightener and Dryer (Ceramic Pink), $599 (down from $749)
Sheridan
40 per cent off Sheridan
Sheridan Outlet
Everything under $199
Temple & Webster
Up to 40 per cent off the warehouse sale
Canningvale
Mocka
FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS ABOUT THE END OF FINANCIAL YEAR SALES
What are End of Financial Year sales?
The End of Financial Year sale, sometimes referred to as EOFY, Mid-Year sale and Stocktake Sale, is an annual deals event that typically runs throughout June in the lead-up to the end of financial year on June 30.
In Australia, it's regarded as one of the biggest sales events of the year and features everything from whitegoods and tech to homewares and travel.
How long do the End of Financial Year sales last?
The End of Financial Year sales run until June 30, which is the end of the tax year.
What are the biggest sales of the year in Australia?
While the End of Financial Year sale is arguably the biggest sale during the winter months. Come summer you'll be spoiled for choice with Black Friday (which falls on November 28 this year), Boxing Day (December 26) and Click Frenzy (held during November).
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ABC News
26 minutes ago
- ABC News
Why do societies collapse and what does it mean for us?
Does every society have a use-by date? The fact that we're not bumping into Aztecs or Byzantines around the place does suggest that they all end at some point. States can slowly decline and fade, or morph into new entities, while a few simply collapse in on themselves. "This is something which has haunted even the most powerful of empires," Luke Kemp, a research affiliate at the Centre for the Study of Existential Risk at the University of Cambridge, tells ABC Radio National's Late Night Live. "It's natural to look over our shoulders at the wreckages of the past and wonder if we're going to end up the same way." Human history stretches back around 300,000 years, but we only made the move from hunter-gatherer communities to states about 5,000 years ago. Dr Kemp, whose upcoming book is Goliath's Curse: The History and Future of Societal Collapse, calls a state "a set of centralised institutions that impose rules on and extract resources from a population in a territory". They appeared in Egypt and Mesopotamia (modern-day Iraq) before spreading around the world and becoming modern day "Goliaths" like the United States and the People's Republic of China. All states across history have eventually ended and a societal collapse is perhaps the most dramatic coda. It's "when you have multiple systems of power all go down. Not just the state but also the economy and potentially the population [as well]", Dr Kemp says. And for anyone worrying about the imminent societal collapse of Australia, there's a bit of good news. "It's actually surprisingly rare for all [of a state's] systems to go down at once," Dr Kemp says. One of the best examples in history of societal collapse is perhaps one of the least known. Around the year 1000, Native Americans created a city called Cahokia on the Mississippi River near today's St Louis. This was the first proper city in the present-day United States. With 10,000 to 15,000 people, Cahokia was bigger than many European cities of the time, including London. It was a place of kings and elites overseeing a great experiment in urbanism. But when Christopher Columbus and other Europeans started arriving in the Americas from 1492, the city had disappeared and no comparable cities replaced it. "Within about 150 years, it starts to fall apart," Dr Kemp says. Coinciding with a period of drought and flood, the city was entirely abandoned. "All the key power structures you would associate with a modern state fell apart … [and] much of the culture changed as well," Dr Kemp says. "But even more interesting is that the people there seem to intentionally forget about this experiment with urbanism … There are no oral traditions, no stories about it. "It's almost like they wanted to forget about it and leave it to rot in the swamps of the Mississippi." After centuries of European domination, Rome — or the Western Roman Empire — fell in the 5th century. Rome was sacked by Germanic Visigoths in 410, and then in 476, Germanic leader Odoacer deposed the last Western Roman emperor, Romulus Augustulus. It seems to fit the brief of a societal collapse. The military fragmented. The economy plummeted. Trade broke up into local levels. The elites fell apart. But Dr Kemp says it's a much more complex case than say, Cahokia. "Some power structures did continue … The ideological basis of Rome, which by that stage was the church, actually continued to grow in power. It became the connective tissue across all of Europe after Rome fell," he says. "Many of the cultures, customs and even garbs that the Romans had were carried on by the [new] Germanic rulers." And in Dr Kemp's eyes — even with Pax Romana and all those aqueducts — the collapse of Rome wasn't necessarily a tragedy. He explains the Roman model: Conquer a territory. Use the riches and resources of the new territory to conquer more territory. Repeat. And he says meanwhile, most of the benefits of the empire were channelled back to the capital. "It was a very large-scale pyramid scheme," Dr Kemp says. "Its collapse was in many ways a good thing for a lot of people. If we look at skeletons in Latin Europe after the fall of Rome, people seemed to get taller and healthier. "So I think we've been handed down a set of stories which have emphasised collapse — and probably overemphasised how bad it is." Dr Kemp and his colleagues have crunched the numbers and found the average life span of a state throughout much of history has been 326 years. But there is a big range on either side of this number. For example, the Byzantine Empire lasted for 1,000 years, while China's Qin Dynasty lasted for just 15 years. And the largest states, or "mega-empires covering over a million square kilometres", were more fragile, with an average life span of 155 years. From Rome to Cahokia to many other examples of collapse, Dr Kemp says there's one key culprit. "We tend to get a bit too preoccupied with looking at big external shocks," he says. These can be things like plagues or enemies at the gates, which can be part of, but not the whole story. "You find that different societies handle these [external shocks] pretty well, but then they seem to become weaker … This is largely due to the fact that inequality seems to increase over time." So Dr Kemp calls inequality "the master variable behind crisis and collapse". On the flip side, after picking through the details of states from the Hittites to the Spanish Empire, Dr Kemp has a theory about what gives a state longevity. "Democracy and inclusive institutions seem to be the big things that encourage states and societies to often last longer." He cites research from Yale University that looked at how different societies coped with the Late Antique Little Ice Age of 536–660, when three different volcanic eruptions led to cooling temperatures around the Northern Hemisphere. It found that some societies were more resilient to temperature swings than others — and that a big predictor of resilience was how democratic and inclusive their institutions were. So of the world's roughly 200 countries, which is next in line for a societal collapse? "It would be very easy for me to say one of the countries in the Horn of Africa … Or Yemen for instance, which is in a state of civil war," Dr Kemp says. "But today when we do have a collapse, such as the collapse of Somalia or Afghanistan, it tends to be very short-lived. Resources are mobilised to make sure that a new state is propped up very quickly." Instead, Dr Kemp paints a picture less about individual states collapsing, but the possibility of something far bigger. He is much more concerned about the "world as a whole", given we all live in a "global, interconnected system". "If we're really thinking about a global collapse, then the things we have to start worrying about today are things like nuclear war, climatic change and dangerous new technologies," he says. "All of those, once again, are built upon large systems of inequality." And he says, while we can't put clear numbers on the likelihood of this kind of a collapse, the possibility of a "catastrophic" global event in the coming century has him worried.
Sky News AU
38 minutes ago
- Sky News AU
Two international relations experts weigh threat of China against Australia's 'confusing' ally as tensions rise in the Indo-Pacific
Two experts in the fields of defence, strategy and China have weighed the growing tensions in the Indo-Pacific and Australia's ties with a 'confusing antagonist' in the United States which could lead to 'significant harm' if a conflict with Taiwan eventuated. It came after Sky News' Sunday Agenda reported Prime Minister Anthony Albanese would not accept the US request to increase defence spending to 3.5 per cent of GDP and would stand by Labor's existing policy. Under the government's projections, defence spending is forecast to reach 2.33 per cent of GDP by 2033–34, up from about 2.05 per cent in 2025-26. Strategy and defence expert at the Australian National University Associate Professor, Andrew Carr, told the Trump Administration was good at 'talking tough' on China, but on several economic and security issues it did not show the 'discipline or resolve' to follow through. 'China will know that US administrations pleaded with and insisted that allies do more to help Washington. Thus far, it has almost entirely fallen on deaf ears,'he said. 'The Trump Administration is right to be outraged that rich nations in Europe and Asia cheap-ride on the back of US taxpayers and soldiers. The Trump Administration is trying a very different approach to changing that dynamic, but it's not clear it will be anymore successful.' Professor Carr said China's view of Taiwan was 'purely internal' and any Australian participation or support of American defence efforts, if China invaded, would lead to 'significant harm' to the Australia-China relationship. Some experts consider 2027 as the year China's President Xi Jinping expects his military to be ready for war with Taiwan. 'That said, in such a conflict it's likely Canberra would be the one rushing to impose penalties and sanctions as a way to diplomatically and economically punish China for its attack,' Professor Carr said. The strategy and defence expert said there was a 'clear escalation of tension' in the Indo-Pacific which had been steadily rising for more than a decade as China has poured money into its military. '(China) has aggressively challenged the legal claims of most of its neighbours, has spied on and tried to corruptly buy influence around the entire region, and used economic and diplomatic means to punish any who speak out,' Professor Carr said. The ANU professor said the Trump administration had been a 'somewhat confusing antagonist' as it has been very strident in rhetoric, such as US Secretary of Defence Pete Hegseth's speech, while being harmful in policy, such as the high tariffs and barriers to Chinese students in the US. 'So though the surface is choppy, some of the underlying currents are potentially much smoother,' he said. 'Trump talks a big game, but there's a reason the TACO nickname (Trump Always Chickens Out) is starting to catch on. Not just economically but strategically too.' Speaking at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore last week, Mr Hegseth warned the threat of China was real and potentially imminent as he pushed allies in the Indo-Pacific to spend more on their own defence needs. Mr Hegseth echoed the Trump administration's motto of maintaining 'peace through strength' and stressed the importance of restoring the 'warrior ethos'. China expert Dr Edward Chan, a postdoctoral fellow in China Studies at the Australian National University, told that while China had not 'explicitly' addressed the potential of Australia's participation in a US-led response to a cross-Strait conflict, it has expressed 'firm opposition' to broader trends in Australia's defence policy. 'Particularly in relation to its alignment with the US and its growing role in regional security arrangements,' Dr Chan said. 'For example, China has repeatedly criticised Australia's participation in the Quad and its commitment to AUKUS, arguing that such initiatives reflect a Cold War mentality and contribute to regional instability.' Dr Chan said such moves are claimed by Chinese officials to 'intensify the arms race'. The expert on China said among Chinese scholars there was a commonly used phrase that 'The United States has tied Australia to its chariot', which reflected the belief Canberra is being drawn into Washington's strategic agenda at the expense of regional stability. In terms of the next few years, and whether tensions in the Indo-Pacific would escalate, Dr Chan said a level of 'strategic unease has already become the new normal' as many governments have reassessed their security postures as they appear to prepare for contingencies, even in the hope of avoiding them. 'That said, putting on my academic hat, I would argue that a direct military conflict in the region—particularly over flashpoints like Taiwan or the South China Sea—remains highly unlikely in the near term. The risks and costs of war would be enormous for all sides involved,' Dr Chan said. 'However, we can expect persistent 'grey zone' activity to continue—what might be called the ashes of geopolitical friction. This includes freedom of navigation operations (FONOPs), increased coastguard and naval patrols, more frequent military exercises, strategic messaging, and tighter defence cooperation among like-minded countries. 'These activities are likely to become more routine.' contacted the Chinese Embassy and the Consulate on the matter, with both referring to the comments made by the Chinese Foreign Ministry on Mr Hegseth's Shangri-La speech. 'Hegseth deliberately ignored the call for peace and development by countries in the region, and instead touted the Cold War mentality for bloc confrontation, vilified China with defamatory allegations, and falsely called China a 'threat',' a Foreign Ministry spokesperson said over the weekend. 'The remarks were filled with provocations and intended to sow discord. China deplores and firmly opposes them and has protested strongly to the US. 'To perpetuate its hegemony and advance the so-called 'Indo-Pacific strategy,' the US has deployed offensive weaponry in the South China Sea and kept stoking flames and creating tensions in the Asia-Pacific, which are turning the region into a powder keg and making countries in the region deeply concerned.' As for the 'Taiwan question', the Foreign Ministry said it was entirely an 'internal affair', with no other country being in a position to 'interfere'. 'The US should never imagine it could use the Taiwan question as leverage against China. The US must never play with fire on this question,' the spokesperson said. 'China urges the US to fully respect the efforts of countries in the region to maintain peace and stability, stop deliberately destroying the peaceful and stable environment cherished by the region, and stop inciting conflict and confrontation and escalating tensions in the region.'
The Australian
38 minutes ago
- The Australian
Anthony Albanese is playing a huge gamble at the G7 summit in Canada with Donald Trump
Anthony Albanese looks on during a federal cabinet meeting in Perth. You can now listen to The Australian's articles. Give us your feedback. You can now listen to The Australian's articles. Anthony Albanese is gambling Australia's future defence and security on two fronts and he may lose on both. First, the Prime Minister is betting he can convince US President Donald Trump and Trump's Defence Secretary, Pete Hegseth, to accept the government's minimalist plan for defence spending during the coming decade without doing serious damage to the US-Australia alliance. Second, Albanese is gambling that despite numerous official and external warnings, Australia will not need to fight a major war in the Indo-Pacific during the coming decade. Both bets are very risky: if Albanese loses one or both, Australia's security will be severely damaged, possibly irretrievably. Washington's pressure on Australia and other Indo-Pacific allies to increase defence spending is strong and unwavering. It has several powerful drivers. Most important is the challenge of Beijing's surging military power, its extensive preparations to fight a major war and its aggressive behaviour towards Taiwan, Japan, The Philippines and other regional democracies. Another driver is the rapid rise of Beijing's military-industrial strength with China's manufacturing output now double that of the US. Donald Trump , JD Vance and Pete Hegseth. A further US concern is the prospect of having to confront a rapidly growing Chinese nuclear force and the possibility of a Chinese-Russian nuclear coalition that could deploy more than double the number of US nuclear weapons by 2035. That risk is driving preparations for a rapid expansion and modernisation of the US nuclear arsenal. It also has spurred Trump to announce the urgent deployment of the Golden Dome system, to provide ballistic and cruise missile defence for the American homeland. This is expected to cost around $US175bn ($270bn). The Trump administration is determined to reverse the erosion of its nuclear escalation dominance. Australia and all other allies should support this endeavour because it will enhance our deterrence power and limit our vulnerability to nuclear coercion. In the face of these urgent demands, the Trump administration has set clear security priorities and determined that the US cannot do all of the heavy lifting. The allies must make much stronger contributions to their own and to collective defence. In his address to the Shangri-La Dialogue Hegseth made clear the Trump administration's priority defence policy region is Asia. In consequence, the European allies have been pressed to take much of the defence load in their region and accept the lead in underpinning the defence of Ukraine. Nearly all of the European allies have now agreed to substantially boost their defence spending. Poland expects to spend 4.7 per cent of its GDP on defence this year. Lithuania plans to spend 5.5 per cent and Estonia 5.4 per cent next year, and Germany is hiking its defence budget by 75 per cent immediately to 3.5 per cent of GDP. There are also reports that Germany is planning a further rise to 5 per cent before the end of the decade. In his speech Hegseth contrasted the efforts of some Asian allies with the substantial spending commitments already made by America's NATO partners when Europe faces a less formidable threat. This is the context for Hegseth asking Defence Minister Richard Marles to lift Australian defence spending from its current 2 per cent of GDP to 3.5 per cent 'as soon as possible'. During his plenary presentation, Hegseth appeared to be looking straight at Marles when he stated that in the case of some allies 'tough love' was needed. Albanese's response so far has been to stick with the government's plan to lift defence spending from its current 2 per cent of GDP to 2.33 per cent in eight years. 'What we'll do is we'll determine our defence policy. And we've invested across the forwards, an additional $10bn in defence,' he said. Secretary of Defence Pete Hegseth and Australian Minister for Defence Richard Marles. If the government fails to move on its business-as-usual, minimal growth approach, the Prime Minister can expect a frosty reception from Trump if their anticipated meeting takes place on the margins of the G7 summit in Canada in 10 days. If Albanese is eventually invited to the Oval Office, a Zelensky-like dressing-down may be in store. Australia's alliance with the US is unlikely to be unscathed. The second big security gamble made by Albanese and his colleagues is that Australia will not need to fight a major war in the coming decade. Indeed, it appears the government doesn't even see a need to take additional steps to deter such a war occurring. These judgments fly in the face of numerous official and unofficial assessments that the risk of China conducting a major operation to seize democratic Taiwan is high and, if it occurs, it is likely to trigger a major war between China and the US and its allies. Hegseth reminded his audience that Xi Jinping has ordered China's military to be ready to conduct a major assault on Taiwan by 2027. 'There is no reason to sugar-coat it. The threat China poses is real and it could be imminent,' Hegseth said. Albanese appears not to have come to terms with the shift of global power and potential conflict to East Asia during recent decades. In the event of such a crisis, Australia will be close to the primary battlefields and would likely be attacked at an early stage. Recent intense discussions in Washington and other allied capitals have confirmed that if war breaks out we should expect missile strikes, attacks on key defence bases and shipping, mining of some ports, special force raids, sabotage and powerful disabling cyber attacks. The government appears unconcerned that our military and our civilian population are grossly unprepared. Russian President Vladimir Putin and foreign leaders, including Chinese President Xi Jinping, attend a ceremony to lay flowers at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier by the Kremlin wall. Regrettably, Australia's strategic situation is even worse than this. America's military and defence industrial capabilities have been allowed to run down so far that in the event of a major crisis, the US will struggle just to supply its own forces. US polling also reveals that public support for the commitment of American forces for the defence of allies and partners is weakening. Since the Vietnam War the experience is that even if a president commits forces at the outset of a crisis, the American public is unwilling to sustain major military operations abroad taking casualties for an extended period unless the US itself is directly threatened. A further serious complication is that during the past two years presidents Joe Biden and Trump have both interfered in the campaigns of self-defence being fought by Ukraine and Israel. Under both presidents the US has insisted that allies accept US directions, even if this has meant handing over national territory to an authoritarian invader or surrendering core interests to a terrorist group. The lessons for Australia are stark. In contrast to the past, prompt, powerful, sustained and fully co-operative US support for Australia in a future crisis is now much less predictable and less likely. The brutal truth is that in some circumstances we may need to fight to defend ourselves largely on our own. In years past Australian politicians routinely stated that the highest priority of the government is to protect the nation and its people. Albanese and his colleagues appear to have a different view. They have placed two very risky bets. The stakes for our future independence and freedom could scarcely be higher. Ross Babbage is chief executive of Strategic Forum in Australia and a non-resident senior fellow at the Centre for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments in Washington.
