From abortion to assisted dying, why does the Left seem so keen on killing people? STEPHEN GLOVER
Here is a contention that may rattle a few tea cups. It is that on the whole the Left is keener on killing people than the Right.
Of course I don't mean the Far Left and the Far Right. Stalin and Mao were just as addicted to mass murder as Hitler. They were all equally blind to Christian teaching about the sanctity of human life.
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The Independent
an hour ago
- The Independent
Trump picks federal judge three years after failed nomination
President Donald Trump has announced his intention to nominate Chad Meredith for a federal judgeship in Kentucky, a move that could reignite a contentious battle with Senator Rand Paul, who previously opposed the appointment. Meredith, a former state solicitor general, was at the centre of a judicial nominations controversy during the Biden administration. Then-President Joe Biden had reportedly agreed to nominate Meredith, who was enthusiastically supported by Senator Mitch McConnell. The prospect was met with significant concern, given Meredith's track record of defending Kentucky's anti-abortion laws, particularly in the immediate aftermath of the 2022 Supreme Court decision that eliminated the constitutional right to abortion. However, Senator Paul signalled to the Biden White House that he would block Meredith's confirmation proceedings, leading the then-President to never formally put forward his name. Biden's decision to withdraw from the nomination was a relief to Democrats and abortion rights groups, who had expressed outrage at the idea of an anti-abortion lawyer securing a lifetime judiciary seat. Mr. Trump's renewed push for Meredith sets the stage for a potential repeat of the earlier confirmation dispute, with Senator Paul's past opposition looming large. In a social media post announcing the nomination, Trump called Meredith 'highly experienced and well qualified.' 'Chad is a courageous Patriot who knows what is required to uphold the Rule of Law, and protect our Constitution,' Trump wrote on Truth Social Wednesday night. McConnell said in a statement Wednesday that Trump made an 'outstanding choice' in choosing Meredith, who also served as chief deputy general counsel for former Kentucky Gov. Matt Bevin. 'His demonstrated devotion to the rule of law and the Constitution will serve the people of Kentucky well on the federal bench,' McConnell said. 'I look forward to the Senate confirming his nomination.' Paul's office did not immediately return a request for comment Wednesday night on the nomination. Three years ago, Paul accused McConnell of cutting a 'secret deal' with the White House as a reason why Meredith's nomination never moved forward under Biden. 'Unfortunately, instead of communicating and lining up support for him, Senator McConnell chose to cut a secret deal with the White House that fell apart,' Paul said at the time. Paul never made any substantive objections about Meredith himself. It's unclear whether Paul would hold similar process concerns with Meredith's formal nomination under Trump. But Paul had effective veto power over a judicial pick in his home state because the Senate continues to honor the so-called blue slip rule, a decades-old custom that says a judicial nominee won't move forward if there is opposition from his or her home-state senator. The Biden White House also deferred to that custom, which is why Biden never ended up nominating Meredith. Though the rule has been eroded in part, namely for appellate court judges whose seat spans several states, the custom has remained intact for district court nominees who are more closely tied to their home states. Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Charles Grassley, R-Iowa, has so far made no indication that he would deviate from that longstanding custom. Lena Zwarensteyn, senior director of the fair courts program and an adviser at The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, criticized Trump's selection of Meredith given his 'disturbing anti-abortion record." 'The nomination of Chad Meredith to a lifetime judgeship should trouble everyone,' Zwarensteyn said.
Telegraph
an hour ago
- Telegraph
Europe's stock markets are finally having their moment in the sun
So, what has got investors so excited? The first point to make is that investment is a kind of zero-sum game. For money to flow into one market, it must flow out of another. And Europe's biggest advantage today is that it is not America. As I pointed out a couple of weeks back, there are good reasons to maintain an exposure to the world's biggest stock market – demographics, energy security, easier regulation and a huge domestic economy among them. But in the short run, policy uncertainty, recession risk, an inflationary trade war and punchy valuations make a rotation out of US assets an uncontroversial trade. There is plenty not to like about European politics. It is cumbersome, bureaucratic, over-keen on regulation and fragmented. It does not encourage innovation. It is more stakeholder than shareholder friendly. But it is predictable. It does not change its mind every five minutes. And that gets a tick from investors who, as a rule, dislike surprises. One of the advantages of Europe's political stability has been that the ECB has been able to anticipate continuing disinflation and cut interest rates accordingly, unlike the Fed which has been forced to sit on its hands to see whether on-off tariffs will be inflationary or recessionary. President Donald Trump may call Jerome Powell 'too late', but there is a reason why the Fed chairman is not rushing to claim victory over inflation. The ECB has halved its interest rate to 2pc, and monetary policy will contribute to the region's growth outlook this year and next. So, too, will fiscal policy, with the International Monetary Fund estimating that a looser tax framework will deliver a 1.6 percentage point stimulus in Germany and 0.8pc in France. At the heart of this is a blueprint to improve Europe's military readiness through higher defence spending. Member states will be able to deviate from the EU's fiscal rules to buy tanks, guns and military tech. Germany alone is planning to spend an additional €500bn. After years in which the engine of European growth sputtered along in second gear, there is the prospect of a multi-year period of turbocharged military-industrial investment. America's reluctance to backstop European defence has been a gift. There is a question mark over the speed and extent to which this feeds through into growth. There is further doubt as to which companies will ultimately benefit from the increased spending. There is many a slip 'twixt cup and mouth, and the soaraway share prices of businesses such as Rheinmetall may well come back to bite investors who have tried to get ahead of the curve. But earnings follow economic growth and, at the margin, analysts' forecasts for European companies are nudging higher at the same time as those for their US counterparts are in decline. Earnings expectations are important because, for years, the US's valuation premium has been justified by the greater profitability of US companies. If US and European valuations are to move closer, it will only be on the back of a narrowing earnings gap. Another important advantage that Europe has over the US is the greater income it offers investors. An average dividend yield of more than 3pc is twice that paid by US companies, and more European companies pay a dividend at all (93pc versus 75pc). Goldman Sachs expects European companies to return 5pc of their value to shareholders through dividends and share buybacks this year versus 4pc for US companies. Of course, there are risks with a shift away from the US towards Europe. A weakening dollar will reduce the value on translation of the quarter or so of European company profits that is earned in America. Trade uncertainty remains significant as we approach the end of the 90-day tariff pause. But after years in which investment portfolios have become over reliant on the US, there is scope for at least some of that money to find its way back home.
Telegraph
2 hours ago
- Telegraph
Has Reform peaked?
A couple of days ago, I spotted Nigel Farage on the terrace of the House of Commons, enjoying a late afternoon drink in the sun with his fellow Reform MPs. I could hardly complain about his work ethic, as I should have been in the office myself. I saw him looking out across the Thames – content, relaxed, and surrounded by friends, all of whom agree with the bookies' suggestion that he is set to become our next Prime Minister. On top of the polls, on top of the world, the master of all he surveyed. And yet, only six weeks or so after Reform's triumph at the local elections, is the shine starting to come off Farage? A YouGov poll this week had the party down two points to 27 per cent, with Labour up one to 24 per cent. Reform's lead over Labour has halved in a single week. As relaxed as Farage seemed as he tucked into his pint, is he worried that his momentum is starting to stall? It's hardly been a peaceful month at Reform HQ. Just as the party was basking in its seizure of ten councils, two mayoralties, and the constituency of Runcorn and Helsby, Farage came under steady attack for his latest pie-in-the-sky policy package: scrapping the two-child limit and introducing a new transferable marriage tax allowance to his already costly plan to lift the income tax threshold to £20,000. Then we had Zia Yusuf's two-day resignation and his replacement as the party's chairman by self-styled paranormal expert Dr David Bull; a man who has claimed that 'immigration is the lifeblood of this country.' Endless in-fighting, ideological incoherence, a shallow policy platform: the general impression created by Reform is one of unseriousness. I bet Farage still can't believe his luck: a doubling of his party's vote share in a year, the implosion of the Tories (languishing on 17 per cent in that same YouGov poll), and an utterly useless Labour Government. Downing Street beckons. But if the last year has proven anything, it is how quickly political fortunes can change. One day you're cock of the walk, the next a feather duster. Could voters dump Farage just as quickly as they picked him up? Certainly. But one hesitates to write off Reform because of only one poll – especially as other pollsters have the party topping 30 per cent. The reasons for Farage's success are structural. Voters hated the Tories, and now they hate Labour for much of the same reasons. With both old parties discredited, why not take a punt on something different? It helps when that this new party is led by one of the best-known politicians in Britain – and one of the few with any credibility on the salient topic of immigration. A day after I spied Farage on the Commons terrace, I saw him again at a Tufton Street talk on the future of net zero. He was by turns charming, insightful and profound, especially when tracing climate extremism to a broader crisis of godlessness. Between calling for escalation in the Middle East, and pledging an end to the fracking ban, he seemed confident and unchanged. He will never become a statesman in the traditional mould. But it is always a pleasure to see him at work.
