logo
Georgia lawmakers on verge of ending trans care in state health plan, state prisons

Georgia lawmakers on verge of ending trans care in state health plan, state prisons

Yahoo02-04-2025
Two Senate bills eliminating gender-affirming care for transgender inmates moved through House committees Tuesday. One also bans state employees from receiving gender-affirming care on the state health plan. Getty Images
With only a few more days left to pass legislation, the state Legislature advanced two controversial Senate bills that would add new restrictions to gender affirming care.
Vidalia Republican Sen. Blake Tillery's Senate Bill 39 passed through a House committee on a party line vote with a new amendment.
The original version of the bill, which had already passed the committee, barred transgender state employees or their dependents from receiving care on the state health insurance plan. The version that passed the House Health Committee Tuesday also specifically prohibits people in state correctional institutions from getting gender care.
There are currently about five people who are incarcerated in Georgia who receive this care, according to Cataula Republican Sen. Randy Robertson.
Norcross Democratic Rep. Marvin Lim argued that removing transgender health care from the plan would violate the law.
The Atlanta Journal-Constitution reported in February that discrimination lawsuits and other complaints involving transgender people had cost taxpayers at least $4.1 million since 2015, including $2.1 million to settle claims and another $2 million in legal costs. Those numbers include $365,000 paid out in a 2023 settlement in which the state agreed to provide coverage for gender-affirming care and not to restrict it again.
'We feel very strongly that it would be an unconstitutional impairment of contracts to undo those settlements, let alone just an unconstitutional move to say that this wouldn't violate Title VII, that this wouldn't violate the equal protection clause,' he said.
Lim was referring to Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, which prohibits employers from discriminating based on an employee's sex, which includes whether they are transgender, and the equal protection clause in the 14th Amendment.
Dawsonville Republican Rep. Brent Cox, who is sponsoring the bill in the Senate, indicated that the law will be a message to the state judicial branch that the Legislature wants it to be legal to ban transgender health care.
'My belief is that it clears up for the judicial branch to be able to work within these guidelines on how they're going to rule and move forward,' he said.
Lim said he was not convinced.
'It is not enough for us to say this is our policy,' he said. 'This is a violation of the U.S. Constitution and federal statutory law on anti-discrimination. So we can pass whatever law we want at the state level and say 'the attorney general can't do this, the Department of Community Health can't do this.' But the argument has always been that this is violating higher law, the federal law, and specifically the U.S. Constitution.'
Democrats on the committee also argued the language in the bill could eliminate mental health treatments for transgender people, which Cox said was a misinterpretation.
The bill will need to pass through both chambers before Friday's final deadline if it is to become law.
Around the same time the House Health Committee passed SB 39, the House Public and Community Health took up Robertson's Senate Bill 185, which also bans gender-affirming care for inmates but does not affect state employees.
Robertson's bill passed out of the committee with a voice vote, teeing it for a potential final vote by the Legislature's April 4 adjournment. Speaking to a reporter in the hallway after the committee approved his bill, Robertson said he hadn't had time to see the latest revision on SB 39, but he supports Tillery's state health plan ban and would likely be happy if either bill passed.
Republican supporters make the case that taxpayer money should not go toward gender-affirming care in state prisons.
'I understand individuals get upset when I say this, but I do mean it with all compassion: elective surgeries cannot be a part of our cost in the Georgia Department of Corrections,' Robertson said.
Opponents of the bill counter that gender-affirming care encompasses more than surgeries, is far from elective and can be necessary for a person's wellbeing. Several speakers, including two attorneys with civil rights organizations, argued Tuesday that the measure is unconstitutional.
'If adopted, Senate Bill 185 would impose blanket bans on the provision of gender-affirming care to incarcerated people with gender dysphoria, regardless of needs,' said Emily C. R. Early with the Center for Constitutional Rights. 'These blanket bans have repeatedly been found unconstitutional because they show deliberate indifference to the needs of incarcerated people.'
'This Senate bill puts lives at risk, and in so doing, would bring constitutional challenges,' she added.
Robertson was dismissive of those potential challenges to the state.
'We have the five individuals who are seeking the care, and then we have the lawsuits, and if you look at that, one of the failures within our system right now is the fact we do not have a policy against it,' Robertson said.
Tuesday's debate also veered into discussion about the origin of the slate of bills targeting transgender Georgians this year. There are at least five bills gaining traction, and lawmakers have spent hours deliberating on them and hearing public input on them, and they are spending the final days of the session trying to finalize them.
Rep. Michelle Au, a Johns Creek Democrat, said House Republican colleagues have told her that she should support Robertson's bill because the issue of inmates receiving gender-affirming care is why former Vice President Kamala Harris lost the presidential election last year.
A leading Senate Democrat representing an Atlanta district caused an uproar last month when she joined three other Democrats who voted for Robertson's bill.
'That comment has been made to me several times, and I just have to put on the record that I really resent a subset of our patient population being used in this way for clearly political reasons, and I really wish that you would not put your voice behind this bill,' Au said to Robertson.
Robertson said politics wasn't the motivation for him. But Rep. Scott Hilton, a Peachtree Corners Republican, acknowledged the influence of the 2024 election.
'Politics does inform policy as much as that politics reflect what our communities want,' Hilton said. 'And I think if anything this last cycle, we learned that this was an 80/20 issue, not just in Georgia, but frankly America, and that folks were flabbergasted to learn that a small segment of our population opposed policies like this.'
But Bentley Hudgins, state director with the Human Rights Campaign, argued that exit polling showed that transgender issues ranked low on the list of voter priorities.
'We have seen time and time again in history where powerful people have used public opinion to excuse crimes against humanity,' Hudgins said.
'I do want to challenge that notion that just because, even if it were true that the majority of people think that this is a popular issue, it doesn't give you the right to pass it.'
SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

DC Dems safety delusions: Letters to the Editor — Aug. 18, 2025
DC Dems safety delusions: Letters to the Editor — Aug. 18, 2025

New York Post

time23 minutes ago

  • New York Post

DC Dems safety delusions: Letters to the Editor — Aug. 18, 2025

The Issue: Democrats' opposition to the Trump administration's takeover of Washington, DC, policing. It's actually quite astounding watching Democrats protesting against a safer Washington, DC. They must like the murders, carjackings, robberies and sexual assaults that happen on a daily basis ('$oros DC protests,' Aug. 13). They must also relish victimhood. J.J. Levine Miami Beach, Fla. In response to President Trump dispatching federal officers to the streets of DC, Sen. Chuck Schumer said, 'I feel perfectly safe' walking around the US Capitol grounds and vicinity. Of course, he forgot to mention that he has 24-hour taxpayer-funded security and the use of a car. I bet his younger staffers who don't enjoy around-the-clock security may whisper that they don't share their boss' view. David Tulanian Henderson, Nev. Stating that the statistics prove that DC crime is down, Hillary Clinton has accused Trump of overreacting to Washington's out-of-control crime problem. Perhaps 'Her Majesty' should speak to a large audience comprised solely of crime victims in Washington who haven't a single Secret Service agent assigned to protect them. And when one of them asks her about the agents that are assigned to her, Bill and Chelsea, her answer would surely be enlightening. Could it possibly be: 'Well, our lives are very important and yours aren't?' Myron Hecker Pearl River I guess I was naive to expect Democratic Mayor Muriel Bowser to completely agree with Trump's National Guard mobilization to combat crime in DC. She would rather protect the city's autonomy than protect the citizens who get beaten, robbed and carjacked by roving, marauding thugs infesting her district. Joseph Valente Miami Beach, Fla. Of course, we have our usual and typical left-leaning idiots led by Chuck 'Humor,' who continues to be a clown. He had the audacity to go on live TV and say that DC is fine, and he walks around the city every day. What he omits is the fact that he is escorted by Capitol Police while walking and also while roaming the halls of Congress. Ask the people who are beaten and carjacked daily how safe Washington, DC, really is. Lou Bivona Belleville, NJ The Issue: The Toronto International Film Festival's effort to exclude an Oct. 7 documentary. Of course liberals in the Canadian film industry wouldn't have wanted the world to see what Hamas did to innocent civilians on Oct. 7, 2023 ('Backlash at film festival,' Aug. 15). Those who committed such heinous atrocities should not be entitled to any 'legal clearance.' Betsy Flor Putnam Valley As a member of Everything Jewish Toronto, I'm writing to say how pleased many of us are for your front-page coverage of TIFF's initial refusal to show the Oct. 7 movie. It was clear antisemitism, and most of the Canadian media ignored it. Thank you for your great coverage. Arthur Weinreb Toronto, Ontario With individuals and groups around the world minimizing what occurred on Oct. 7 — and frankly, dehumanizing the Israeli victims — it is crucial that this documentary film is included in the Toronto International Film Festival to be released for all to see. Amy Hendel Tarzana, Calif. I wonder, looking back to World War II, if we should have gotten Hitler's permission to use death camp footage in Frank Capra's films on the war atrocities. This is just ridiculous. John Giriat The Bronx Want to weigh in on today's stories? Send your thoughts (along with your full name and city of residence) to letters@ Letters are subject to editing for clarity, length, accuracy, and style.

Ukraine Responds to Putin's Reported Demands to Trump
Ukraine Responds to Putin's Reported Demands to Trump

Newsweek

time24 minutes ago

  • Newsweek

Ukraine Responds to Putin's Reported Demands to Trump

Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. It would be "totally unacceptable" for Kyiv to give up its eastern regions for a peace deal, a senior Ukrainian politician has said, as Ukrainian officials prepare to meet President Donald Trump and European leaders in Washington on Monday. Reuters reported on Sunday that Russia had said it would offer slivers of land it currently controls in Ukraine in exchange for Kyiv ceding chunks of land in the east that Russia does not currently control, citing sources briefed on the Kremlin's thinking. Under the proposal, Ukraine would fully withdraw from Donetsk and Luhansk, with the current front lines in the Kherson and Zaporizhzhia regions to the south frozen in place, according to the report. For Ukraine, it is politically and militarily off the table to consent to losing the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, Oleksandr Merezhko, the chair of Ukraine's parliamentary foreign affairs committee and a member of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky's party, previously told Newsweek. President Donald Trump greets Russian President Vladimir Putin as he arrives at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson on August 15, 2025, in Anchorage, Alaska. President Donald Trump greets Russian President Vladimir Putin as he arrives at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson on August 15, 2025, in Anchorage, Kremlin declared in fall 2022 that Ukraine's Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhzhia regions were now part of Russia after referendums widely condemned as a sham. Russia had seized Crimea, to the south of the mainland, from Ukraine in 2014. Moscow does not control all of the four mainland Ukrainian regions, but has long focused on asserting its grip on Donetsk and Luhansk. They are collectively known as the Donbas, and form much of Ukraine's industrial heartland. The current proposal is a "provocation" from the Kremlin chief, and one to which Ukraine can never agree, Merezhko said. Kyiv has repeatedly said it is against the country's constitution to give land away to Moscow. The Russian and Ukrainian positions on what the Kremlin would control in any ceasefire agreement or peace deal have always been far apart, and there is little hint that this has changed on either side. But what may have shifted is President Donald Trump's patience to entertain steadfast Russian demands. The Republican had in recent months expressed increasing frustration with Russian President Vladimir Putin, but said off the back of the two leaders' first meeting of Trump's second term that the summit was "useful." No deal was announced, and Trump pivoted his position on a ceasefire, saying he would move straight to a permanent peace deal. Zelensky said on Saturday Russia's refusal to sign a ceasefire "complicates the situation." Russia is not in a position to seize Donetsk through military means, and, for Ukraine, the region has huge strategic importance, Merezhko said. Close to three-and-years of full-scale war has seen Russia gain control of large areas of Luhansk and Donetsk, but much of the latter still remains in Ukrainian control. The Institute for the Study of War (ISW), a U.S.-based think tank that tracks the daily changes to the front lines in the conflict, said earlier this month Ukraine still controls roughly 6,500 square kilometers of territory in Donetsk—equivalent to a quarter of the region. Russia's slow but steady gains, concentrated in Donetsk, have come at an eyewatering human cost, according to Ukrainian and Western assessments. Crucially, west of the front lines, in Ukrainian-held Donetsk, are several cities known as "fortress settlements" that are vital to Ukraine's defenses. The region is a "bulwark" for Ukraine to shield its other regions, Merezhko said. After the Anchorage summit, Trump told European leaders that he backed a plan in which Ukraine would cede territory it still controlled to Russia, The New York Times reported, citing two senior European officials. Several European leaders will travel to participate in Zelensky's meeting at the White House on Monday, including British Prime Minister, Sir Keir Starmer.

We know who funded Supreme Court legal fight. But a new law may make money secret
We know who funded Supreme Court legal fight. But a new law may make money secret

Yahoo

timean hour ago

  • Yahoo

We know who funded Supreme Court legal fight. But a new law may make money secret

When Judge Jefferson Griffin unsuccessfully attempted to overturn his loss in the 2024 North Carolina Supreme Court election, the number that stuck out was 65,000 — the number of ballots he sought to disqualify, potentially flipping his 734-vote loss to Democratic incumbent Allison Riggs. However, another less-reported number is key to understanding the chaotic and unprecedented six-month legal battle: $2 million. That's the amount of money Griffin and Riggs brought in from donors across the country to support their efforts in court. These donations came from California megadonors, local attorneys, concerned citizens and, in one case, a sitting Republican judge on the North Carolina Court of Appeals who could have ruled on the case. But under a new law enacted last month by the Republican-controlled legislature, all of that money could become secret — leaving voters in the dark about where the money comes from to litigate high-profile contested elections or fend off ethical and criminal allegations. Senate Bill 416, the Personal Privacy Protection Act, prohibits state agencies from disclosing donors to nonprofit organizations. Critics say this includes legal expense funds, like the ones Griffin and Riggs set up to fund their courtroom battle, and warn it could open the door to 'dark money in our politics,' according to Democratic Gov. Josh Stein, who vetoed the bill last month. Republicans, joined by three Democrats in the House, overrode Stein's veto, with Sen. Warren Daniel, the bill's sponsor, saying it was necessary to protect donor privacy. 'Ultimately, the bill impacts both sides of the aisle equally,' said Daniel, a Morganton Republican, noting that Alabama, Colorado and Alaska have each passed similar bills. 'It prevents the elected officials in red states from targeting left-wing groups and, vice versa, blue states targeting conservative organizations.' The bill does not mention legal expense funds by name, but Aaron McKean, a lawyer with the nonpartisan Campaign Legal Center, said its broad application to nonprofits creates a loophole that could shield disclosure. 'There's a chance that some enterprising person might create a 501(c)4 as their legal expense fund vehicle, and then be able to claim that they don't have to disclose any of their donors under this law,' he said. He also noted that when Republicans unsuccessfully tried to pass a similar bill in 2021, they specifically included an exemption for legal expense funds 'that ensured they would remain fully transparent.' That exemption does not appear in SB 416. Asked whether the bill applies to legal expense funds, a spokesperson for the State Board of Elections said that agency staff are 'still evaluating' SB 416 'including whether it affects reporting and disclosure provisions for legal expense funds.' Sen. Daniel and the two other sponsors of SB 416 did not respond to questions from The News & Observer about the intended scope of their bill. McKean said the possibility of further reducing donor transparency is 'particularly egregious' given all of the chaos surrounding the 2024 Supreme Court election. 'People in North Carolina, people across the U.S., want more information about who is spending money to influence their government or their elected officials,' he said. 'And bills like this go the wrong direction.' Where do these disclosure rules come from? Disclosure rules for legal expense funds emerged in the mid-2000s following a string of scandals, including former Democratic House Speaker Jim Black pleading guilty to a federal corruption charge. Black fought his charges using an unregulated legal fund that did not disclose its donors. Republican Senate leader Phil Berger, who at the time served in the minority in the state legislature, said the funds should be transparent. 'The public is entitled to know who is paying the bill for public officials when they get in trouble,' he wrote in a 2006 news release. Last month, Berger voted in favor of SB 416. Republicans have pursued consequential changes to other financing rules in recent years. Earlier this week, The Assembly reported that Duke Energy donated $100,000 to the NC GOP's building fund, which was the account used to pay Griffin's legal fees. Previously, these building funds were largely restricted to spending on expenses related to a party's headquarters. But a law enacted last year by the Republican supermajority allows those accounts — which draw donations from corporations, business entities and labor unions — to be used for legal actions. A party spokesperson told The Assembly that Duke's contribution was 'was not connected to the North Carolina Supreme Court election, nor any specific candidate.' What do Griffin and Riggs' finance reports show? While SB 416 could affect future litigation, the finance reports for Griffin and Riggs are still available and shed valuable insight into the contested election that upended North Carolina politics. The largest donor to each candidate, by far, was their respective political parties. The North Carolina Republican Party gave Griffin over $340,000 worth of legal services, and Democrats gave Riggs $325,000. But, past those contributions there was a striking disparity in donations between the two candidates. Riggs reported raising over $1.6 million, whereas Griffin reported raising about $362,000. And where Riggs reported receiving over 12,000 individual donations to her legal fund, Griffin reported only 13 — three of which were from the NC GOP. Judge Tom Murry made a $5,000 contribution to Griffin's legal fund — a donation critics called a 'textbook conflict of interest' given that, as a sitting judge on the Court of Appeals, Murry could have been asked to rule on Griffin's challenge to the election results. 'It is law school lesson number 101, and let it sink in: one judge donated to help another judge change the outcome of an election in cases that he could conceivably sit on in judgment,' Rep. Deb Butler, a New Hanover County Democrat, said during the veto override vote. '… If Senate Bill 416, had been the law, then we would never have known that.' Murry did not formally recuse himself from the case, but nevertheless he did not end up sitting on the panel that heard it. As for Riggs, her finance reports show a wide variety of donations from donors large and small. Unlike regular campaign finance committees, legal expense funds don't have the same limits on individual contributions. That led to some eye-popping contributions from across the country, including $250,000 from Elizabeth Simons, a California-based megadonor, and $20,000 from the chair of Capitol Broadcasting, which owns WRAL, the Raleigh-based TV station. However, nearly 95% of Riggs' individual donations came from small-dollar donors who gave $100 or less. When totaled up, those small donations accounted for about 22% of her total haul. Large donations over $5,000 accounted for about 53% of Riggs' overall contributions. One final data point in the two candidates' disclosures presents further questions. Riggs reported spending over $1 million of her donations on legal fees to Womble Bond Dickinson, the law firm that represented her throughout the case. However, Griffin's records only show the $340,000 for in-kind legal fees from the NC GOP and another $14,000 to Dowling PLLC, a law firm that represented him. The North Carolina Republican Party, which joined Griffin as a co-plaintiff at some points in the case, also reported a roughly $48,500 expenditure to Dowling in February, but did not specify if it was for his challenge. Asked how Griffin and the party could have spent roughly a third of what Riggs did on lawyers for a complicated case that ping-ponged between state and federal courts, a spokesperson for the Republican Party did not respond, nor did the treasurer of Griffin's legal expense fund.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store