
From broken colony to economic giant: How India rewrote its destiny
The Socialist Years: Dreams and StagnationJawaharlal Nehru's vision was bold: a self-reliant India powered by state-led industrialisation. The Five-Year Plans became the blueprint for development, focusing on heavy industry, irrigation, and power generation. The Green Revolution of the 1960s banished food shortages, turning India from famine-prone to food-secure.Yet alongside achievements came the License Raj, a suffocating maze of permits and controls that strangled entrepreneurship. By the 1980s, India's modest 3.5% annual growth had earned the mocking label "Hindu rate of growth". The socialist dream was alive but sluggish, and cracks were showing in the fortress.The Great Awakening: 1991 ReformsThe breaking point arrived in 1991 with a balance of payments crisis so severe that India had barely two weeks of import cover remaining. The government quietly pledged gold reserves to the IMF. Survival demanded radical surgery.Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao and Finance Minister Dr Manmohan Singh wielded the scalpel with precision. The License Raj was dismantled, tariffs slashed, and the rupee devalued. Foreign investment caps were lifted, loss-making public enterprises privatised. For the first time in decades, competition was embraced rather than feared.The results were electric. GDP growth shot up to 6-8% annually, foreign exchange reserves ballooned, and the IT revolution transformed Bangalore into a global technology hub. IT exports exploded from $565 million in 1991 to tens of billions within two decades.The Acceleration: 2000s and BeyondBetween 2003 and 2008, India achieved near-China levels of growth, clocking 7-9% annually. The 2008 global financial crisis tested its resilience, but stimulus measures cushioned the impact. The 2010s brought ambitious reforms: the 2016 demonetisation drive targeted black money, whilst the 2017 Goods and Services Tax unified India's chaotic taxation system.COVID-19 delivered a severe blow, shrinking GDP by 7.25% in 2020. Yet India bounced back remarkably, the crisis actually turbocharging its digital economy. UPI payments exploded, e-commerce became mainstream, and fintech startups thrived.advertisementThe Present RealityBy 2025, India had achieved the unthinkable, leapfrogging Japan to claim fourth place globally. Growth in 2024-25 reached 6.5%, the fastest among major economies. Exports hit a record $824.9 billion whilst inflation cooled to 2.82%. Policy initiatives like Make in India and Atmanirbhar Bharat supercharged manufacturing and technology investment.Yet challenges persist. Income inequality yawns wide between states, per capita GDP still lags developed nations, and job creation struggles to match youth aspirations. Agriculture employs nearly half the workforce whilst contributing less than 15% to GDP.The Road AheadThe IMF predicts India will overtake Germany by 2028, potentially crossing $5 trillion in GDP. With a young population, digital dominance, and reform-hungry policies, the question isn't whether India can rise further but how quickly it can rewrite global league tables again.From colonial plunder to planned stagnation, from socialist caution to capitalist ambition, India has shapeshifted through every storm. The fourth-largest economy tag isn't the finish line; it's merely the halfway mark in a marathon towards economic superpower status.- Ends
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

The Hindu
2 hours ago
- The Hindu
On Janmashtami, Yunus vows to uphold communal harmony
Bangladesh's Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus on Saturday (August 16, 2025) greeted the country's Hindu community on Janmashtami, saying Lord Krishna's teachings will help strengthen 'mutual goodwill and brotherhood' and maintain the nation's 'existing order and communal harmony'. Mr. Yunus' greetings came amid widespread concerns over repeated incidents of alleged attacks on members of the Hindu community and their places of worship after he came to power in August last year. In a message, Mr. Yunus said that Lord Krishna's values centred on 'devotion to the creator and the establishment of peace in society' continue to inspire people of all faiths, the state-run Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS) reported. 'I call upon everyone to remain vigilant so that no one can undermine the existing order, fraternity, and communal amity in society. I believe that the ideals and teachings of Lord Sri Krishna will further strengthen the bonds of mutual goodwill and brotherhood,' he said. Mr. Yunus said that communal harmony is a 'unique hallmark' of Bangladesh's culture and its people have practiced their respective religions while preserving 'an enduring spirit of harmony' for centuries. He stressed that his interim government is 'committed to keeping this bond of harmony unbroken'. Also read: Systematic persecution of Hindu minorities in Bangladesh under interim government: India 'Let us, through our collective efforts, build a new Bangladesh free from discrimination and enriched with communal harmony,' Mr. Yunus added. The relations between India and Bangladesh came under strain after the interim government headed by Mr. Yunus came to power last year in August. India has been expressing concerns over attacks on minorities, especially Hindus, in the country. Janmashtami is a public holiday in Bangladesh to mark the birth celebration of Lord Krishna.


Time of India
3 hours ago
- Time of India
PK reaches out to Muslims ahead of polls
Patna: Jan Suraaj founder Prashant Kishor addressed a "Bihar Badlao Conference" at Haj Bhawan in Patna on Saturday. It was attended by around 3,000 members of the Muslim community. Kishor said with their support, he could change the course of national politics within two years. "In West Bengal, the Muslim community listened to me, and you can see how UCC-NRC has been completely abolished there," he said. He urged the INDIA bloc to ensure fair representation for Muslims. "Wherever you have a Muslim candidate, we will not give a ticket to a Muslim. We will field a Hindu candidate there," Kishor told bloc leaders. Claiming that 50% of Hindus opposed the BJP, he said, "If even 20% of these join us, we could win the battle." Kishor recalled his role in Narendra Modi's 2014 election campaign. "After that, we started working in Bihar, and within a year, we reduced the BJP to 55 seats in the state," he claimed. Stay updated with the latest local news from your city on Times of India (TOI). Check upcoming bank holidays , public holidays , and current gold rates and silver prices in your area. Get the latest lifestyle updates on Times of India, along with Happy Krishna Janmashtami Wishes ,, messages , and quotes !

The Wire
5 hours ago
- The Wire
Gorakhnath's 'Stolen' Legacy: Lalu's Cultural Counter to Hindutva Ahead of Bihar Election
Soroor Ahmed Lalu's revelation that Gorakhnath stood for inclusivity, coexistence, love, and a harmonious synthesis of Hindu and Muslim faiths has the potential to challenge the Hindutva narrative. As Bihar gears up for the assembly election amidst widespread controversy over the Special Intensive Review (SIR) exercise undertaken by the Election Commission (EC), a new book co-authored by former chief minister Lalu Prasad Yadav and journalist Nalin Verma has recently hit the stand. The book – 'Lores of Love and Saint Gorakhnath,' (Nalin Verma and Lalu Prasad Yadav, Penguin Random House India, 2025) – is a timely reminder of the composite Hindu-Muslim culture, which is under attack now. Whether in power or out of it, Lalu has remained a powerful figure in the anti-Sangh Parivar politics and ideology for over 35 years. Old age has compelled him to make space for his son Tejashwi Prasad Yadav, who is carrying on his enduring legacy of social justice and secularism. But Lalu is a fighter, who never gives up, especially when the rivals are communal forces. 'Theft' of Gorakhnath's legacy While Lok Sabha leader of opposition Rahul Gandhi has launched a massive movement against the EC for what he termed as"vote theft", Lalu, in his book has talked about another form of 'theft' – the appropriation of the legacy of Saint Gorakhnath by Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath, the Mahant (priest) of the Gorakhnath shrine in Gorakhpur. According to the book, Adityanath used his position as the mahant of the temple to climb up the ladder and become the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh. While Gandhi's claims of electoral malpractice dominate headlines, Lalu's revelation that Gorakhnath stood for inclusivity, coexistence, love, and a harmonious synthesis of Hindu and Muslim faiths has the potential to challenge the Hindutva narrative that underpins Adityanath's political dominance in Uttar Pradesh. The cover of Lores of Love and Saint Gorakhnath, by Nalin Verma and Lalu Prasad Yadav (Penguin Random House). Both Bihar leader of opposition Tejashwi Yadav of the Rashtriya Janta Dal (RJD) and Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav – who is Adityanath's primary rival in Uttar Pradesh – may find a powerful weapon in Lalu's account of Gorakhnath's true legacy. Lores of Love and Saint Gorakhnath features folktales such as Sorthi Brijbhar, Bharathari-Pingla, Heer Ranjha, and Saranga-Sadabrij, with Lalu solely authoring the introduction alongside Nalin Verma as co-author. The authors' portrayal of Gorakhnath is grounded in research by historians and scholars of folklore and literature. Here is a summary of the authors' perspective: Gorakhnath, who lived in the 11th century, founded the Nath sect, a monastic order whose followers are known as yogis, Gorakhnathis, Darshanis, or Kanphattas. Adityanath, often called 'Yogi ji' claims affiliation with this order. Gorakhnath's legacy once stood for composite culture Gorakhnath's first disciple, Yogi Vardhanath, is said to have accompanied him to the site where the Gorakhnath temple in Gorakhpur was later established, giving the city its name. The temple, now sprawling over 52 acres, owes its present form to Mahanta Buddhanath (1708–1723). Historical accounts reveal that Asaf-ud-Daulah, the Nawab of Awadh, donated land to Baba Roshan Ali, a fakir and devotee of Gorakhnath, in the 18th century. This contribution revitalised the temple, adding to its grandeur. The tomb of Roshan Ali, located opposite the temple, remains a defining feature of Gorakhpur's cultural identity. Gorakhpur serves as the cultural capital of Poorvanchal spread over Deoria, Kushinagar, and Maharajganj districts in Uttar Pradesh, Gopalganj and Siwan districts in Bihar, and parts of Nepal, where the Gorkha community traces its roots to the Nath sect. The temple was a symbol of composite culture until the 1930s, when Digvijaynath assumed its management. In 1937 he became the Gorakhpur chief of the Hindu Mahasabha which was led by V.D. Savarkar. Digvijaynath was arrested after the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi but was subsequently released. He broke tradition by entering electoral politics, winning the Gorakhpur Lok Sabha seat on the Mahasabha's ticket in 1967. He passed away in 1969. His successors, Avaidyanath and Adityanath, established themselves as champions of militant Hindutva in the region. Avaidyanath represented Gorakhpur in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly and Lok Sabha multiple times, while Adityanath, the current Mahant held the Gorakhpur Lok Sabha seat from 1998 to 2017 when he became the chief minister. Gorakhnath's influence extended to inspiring love stories that are now part of India's rich folklore. In Heer Ranjha, Ranjha, a Muslim, found solace as a disciple of Gorakhnath during his tumultuous love journey with Heer. Similarly, in Sorthi-Brijbhar, Gorakhnath guided the protagonist Brijbhar in his quest for love. Gorakhnath also inspired King Bhartrihari to renounce his desires for his consort Pingla and embrace the life of a yogi. Lalu's revelations challenge the Sangh Parivar's narrative Noted Hindi scholar Hazari Prasad Dwivedi, in his work Nath Sampradaya, highlights the widespread presence of Nath sect followers across India. In Punjab, they are known as rawals; in Bengal, as jugis or jogis; in Hyderabad, as darves; and in Konkan, as gosawis. They are found in Awadh, Varanasi, Bhojpur, Magadh, Barar, Gujarat, Maharashtra, and Karnataka. These yogis sing ballads like Sorthi-Brijbhar, Bhartrihari-Pingla and Heer-Ranjha, as well as bhajans of Kabir, Nanak, Raidas, Dadu, and Meera, alongside folk songs for Lord Rama and Shiva-Parvati, accompanied by the sarangi. They sustain themselves by seeking alms, performing magic tricks, offering herbal remedies, reading palms, and telling fortunes. The Nath sect rejects Brahmin supremacy, with followers selecting gurus from communities of weavers, dyers, shepherds, and agriculturists. Gurus and disciples wander together, seeking alms. Dwivedi notes that marginalised groups from both Hindu and Muslim communities, often disparaged by the priestly class, embraced the Nath sect across northern and southern India. 'Born in Phulwaria village in the erstwhile Saran district of Bihar, near Gorakhpur, I grew up surrounded by yogis playing sarangis and singing these ballads. Over time, these stories became a source of sustenance for folklorists and folk-theatre artistes performing at weddings and religious gatherings. As Chief Minister of Bihar in 1990, I encouraged folklorists to showcase these performances, a passion I continue to pursue whenever time permits,' Lalu writes in the book. Lalu's revelations in the book serve a dual purpose. For lovers of folklore, they offer a treasure trove of cultural narratives. For political strategists, they provide a sharp tool to challenge Adityanath and the Sangh Parivar's narrative, particularly in Uttar Pradesh. Soroor Ahmed is a Patna-based freelance journalist. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments. Advertisement