Poilievre-led Tories gearing up for more ballot-box failure with support for convicted mischief ringleaders
If you needed more proof that Pierre Poilievre and the federal Conservative Party still haven't learned a thing from their last two election defeats, look no further than their latest embrace of Tamara Lich and Chris Barber.
The two figureheads of the so-called 'freedom convoy' were convicted of criminal mischief in April for their role in the illegal occupation of downtown Ottawa in early 2022.
This past week, Conservative MPs — including Poilievre himself — doubled down in support of Lich and Barber, whose sentencing hearing is scheduled to take place in Ottawa Wednesday.
ADRIAN WYLD / THE CANADIAN PRESS
Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre and his caucus members are calling the sentences for Tamara Lich and Chris Barber proposed by Crown prosecutors 'political vengeance.'
Poilievre and his caucus members are calling the sentences proposed by Crown prosecutors 'political vengeance.' Apparently they don't understand that Crown attorneys are independent and don't take direction from cabinet ministers or MPs on individual cases.
Nor do Poilievre and his Conservative MPs seem to comprehend that politicians should never comment on cases before the court. It's political interference and it undermines the independence of the judiciary.
The facts in the Lich and Barber cases aren't up for debate. A court of law found both of them guilty. Their protest spiralled into a lawless encampment. And yet, instead of acknowledging the obvious — that the rule of law matters and that democratic protests can't be allowed to override the rights of others — Poilievre and his inner circle have chosen to pander, once again, to the party's far-right base.
It's a losing strategy. And if Conservatives want to know why they keep falling short in recent federal elections, they need only look in the mirror.
Time and again, Canadians have rejected the angry, conspiratorial brand of politics that has taken over the American Republican party. They want reasonable leaders who offer practical solutions, not culture-war nonsense, dog-whistle politics or endorsements of fringe movements.
And yet, Poilievre seems determined to import a Trump-style playbook. The constant anti-media rants, the obsession with 'gatekeepers,' the crypto-promotion and the attempt to rewrite the convoy as some kind of heroic civil rights movement (the Conservatives are still calling it a 'peaceful protest') are all designed to mimic the populist outrage formula that works south of the border.
But Canada is not the United States. The electoral math is different. So is the national temperament.
Poilievre may be preaching to a passionate choir on YouTube and in Facebook echo chambers, but he's increasingly alienating the broad coalition of Canadians he needs to actually win a federal election.
Urban and suburban voters in places such as the GTA, Metro Vancouver and Winnipeg — the battlegrounds that decide elections — are not clamouring for convoy nostalgia. They're tired of chaos. They want competence, not crusades.
And they're watching closely when the leader of the Opposition refuses to condemn those who flouted court orders and treated the nation's capital like their personal playground.
What's most baffling is that Poilievre has, in theory, the opportunity to be a formidable contender. He's a skilled communicator, an effective critic of government spending and sharper than most when it comes to messaging discipline.
But the convoy saga has revealed a deeper flaw: he's unwilling — or unable — to shake the grip of the party's most radical fringe.
Rather than evolve into a credible prime minister-in-waiting, Poilievre is playing to the internet mob. While that might be good for clicks and fundraising, it's political poison when it comes to broad electoral appeal.
Canadians overwhelmingly rejected the convoy's tactics and message. Even many small-c conservative voters — people who would otherwise be inclined to support the Tories — saw the occupation for what it was: overreach, disruption and lawlessness.
By continuing to praise Lich and Barber — convicted criminals, not folk heroes — Poilievre is sending a clear message to the country: this is still the party of grievance, not governance.
While the Conservatives are busy lionizing convoy organizers, real issues are piling up. Housing is unaffordable, grocery prices are still high, health-care systems are strained and Canada is in the midst of a nasty tariff war with Donald Trump's administration. Canadians are increasingly anxious about what the future holds.
Poilievre has shown glimpses of an ability to speak to those concerns, particularly on housing and inflation. But every time he makes headway, he squanders it by veering back into culture-war distractions.
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Instead of campaigning as the candidate who will fix the economy, he's turning himself into the candidate who wants to relitigate the convoy trial. It's a massive strategic blunder.
There is a path to victory for a Conservative party that can focus on practical solutions, speak to the middle class and offer credible alternatives to Liberal fatigue. But that path does not run through convoy politics. It does not include defending convicted protest leaders. And it does not require mimicking the rhetoric of Donald Trump.
Poilievre still has time to pivot — but that window is closing. And with every public statement of support for Lich and Barber, he risks turning off the very voters he needs to win.
If the Conservatives blow the next election — again — they won't have to look far to figure out why. The warning signs are already flashing in bright red, like the tail lights of the trucks that once choked the streets of Ottawa.
tom.brodbeck@freepress.mb.ca
Tom BrodbeckColumnist
Tom Brodbeck is a columnist with the Free Press and has over 30 years experience in print media. He joined the Free Press in 2019. Born and raised in Montreal, Tom graduated from the University of Manitoba in 1993 with a Bachelor of Arts degree in economics and commerce. Read more about Tom.
Tom provides commentary and analysis on political and related issues at the municipal, provincial and federal level. His columns are built on research and coverage of local events. The Free Press's editing team reviews Tom's columns before they are posted online or published in print – part of the Free Press's tradition, since 1872, of producing reliable independent journalism. Read more about Free Press's history and mandate, and learn how our newsroom operates.
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