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Telegraph
2 hours ago
- Business
- Telegraph
Most Tory voters want to ditch Badenoch and bring back Johnson
Nearly two thirds of Conservative voters would like Boris Johnson to replace Kemi Badenoch as Tory leader, new polling has revealed Some 60 per cent of Conservative supporters at last year's general election said Mr Johnson, the former prime minister, would make a better leader than Mrs Badenoch. Nearly half said they would be more likely to vote for the party at the next general election if she were replaced, the exclusive polling, by Survation for The Telegraph, showed. Of those who voted Conservative at the last election, 45 per cent said a new leader would make them more inclined to do so again, with only eight per cent saying such a change would put them off. Mrs Badenoch's supporters have maintained that another leadership election would not turn the party's fortunes around and could harm its reputation further. At the last election, the Conservatives won 23.7 per cent of the vote, but the latest polls have shown their support dropping as low as 16 per cent. After Mrs Badenoch took over from Rishi Sunak last November, the Conservatives briefly enjoyed a small poll lead over Labour and were in first place on 29 per cent. A haemorrhaging of support to Reform UK since has been blamed for the party's dwindling fortunes. In the last round of local elections, the Tories lost 674 council seats, many of them to Nigel Farage's party. Mr Johnson also polled well among those who supported Reform UK at the general election, with half saying he would make a better leader of the Conservatives than Mrs Badenoch. It comes amid plotting by some party figures to return him to the head of the party. Despite continuing support for Mr Johnson among Tory voters, senior MPs in the party's 121-strong parliamentary cohort said there was no 'appetite' or 'enthusiasm' in the Commons for him to return. His popularity among the public at large is also considerably lower than with Conservatives, with only 33 per cent of all voters saying he would make a better Tory leader. The figures also show that 49 per cent of Tory voters from the last general election were satisfied with Mrs Badenoch's performance, while 19 per cent said they were dissatisfied. She currently has a net negative rating among voters in general, according to Survation's polling, with 31 per cent disapproving of her performance and 27 per cent approving, although a large portion remained undecided. The polling showed that her other perceived rivals for the leadership have had far less cut through with Tory voters than Mr Johnson. Robert Jenrick and James Cleverly, both of whom stood against her in last year's leadership election, are considered a better option now by 27 per cent and 22 per cent respectively. A Conservative Party source said: 'Changing leader again would be the worst possible step in trying to convince voters we're a serious party who understand where we went wrong in the past. 'We all need to be focused on the real goal – kicking out this terrible Labour government that is making everything worse.' Mrs Badenoch has faced a difficult few months as leader of the opposition, with Reform surging and the Conservatives dropping into fourth place behind the Liberal Democrats in some polls. Sir Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, has described the Conservatives as a 'dead party walking' and declared that Mr Farage would be his main opponent at the next general election.


Globe and Mail
7 hours ago
- Business
- Globe and Mail
Poilievre could face leadership review as early as March
The Conservative party's national council is expected to meet mid-June to determine when leader Pierre Poilievre will face a leadership review, but there's still no sign of an overarching review of the party's failure to defeat the Liberals on April 28. The election returned a Liberal minority government, and while some Conservatives privately say Prime Minister Mark Carney could govern for as long as four years, others say work on fixing their failure to defeat him must start now. Two Conservative sources told The Globe and Mail the party's executive director is proposing national council sign off on a March leadership review, which would give party members the chance to vote on whether Mr. Poilievre should remain as leader. The Globe is not identifying the sources as they were not authorized to speak publicly about internal party matters. But, Calgary MP Greg McLean, recently appointed to lead an economic growth council advising Mr. Poilievre, told the Globe he's been instructed to be ready to present his findings at a January convention. The party did not return a request for comment. Since the formation of the modern Conservative Party, one other leader has faced a leadership review: Stephen Harper. He lost the 2004 election, held shortly after he became leader. In the review, members voted overwhelmingly to let him stay, and he went on to win three elections. Opinion: In Poilievre's defeat, a familiar call for patience – and a new appreciation for second chances Neither of Mr. Harper's successors – Andrew Scheer and Erin O'Toole – made it to a leadership review. Mr. Scheer stepped down, and Mr. O'Toole was forced out by MPs. When asked by reporters Friday if he was worried about a challenge to his leadership, Mr. Poilievre said 'no.' 'We had the biggest vote count in our party's history, the biggest increase in our party's history, the biggest vote share since 1988 and we're going to continue to work to get over the finish line,' he said. Mr. Harper, Mr. Scheer and Mr. O'Toole all commissioned reviews of their election defeats. MPs and grassroots party members insist one needs to be done now too. One effort by MPs to get a former colleague to do a probe fell flat. Some rank-and-file party members are considering organizing to force a public discussion of what they see as the campaign's failings if public steps to address and correct them aren't taken soon. Specific frustrations include the target seat program, bottlenecks around decision making, outdated campaign literature and top-down control over what local candidates could do. But the biggest anger is around nominations, and people blocked from running at the last minute in favour of hand-picked candidates. Riding and campaign managers in Ontario and British Columbia told the Globe that national campaign manager Jenni Byrne must address those shortcomings, and step back from future campaigns, or they will try to band together to oust her. Opinion: The good and unnecessarily bad of Pierre Poilievre The Globe is not naming the sources so they could speak candidly about internal party affairs. The last Conservative convention was in 2023, so one was expected soon anyway. National council can call a convention with 90 days notice, which could also neutralize grassroots efforts to force changes as there wouldn't be enough time to engage formal policy or constitutional processes. Though Conservatives did win more seats, Mr. Poilievre lost his own. He's planning to run in a by-election for an Alberta riding. Those close to him say few major changes will be made to anything the party does until that election ends. Still, there are smaller steps being taken. Long-time Conservative communications professional Katy Merrifield will soon join the staff. Jeff Ballingall, a conservative strategist, is also being brought on to help with Mr. Poilievre's image and message. Mr. McLean, the MP leading Mr. Poilievre's economic council, said his group is working to keeping policy going in the right direction. 'What Canadians saw at the end of the day was the Liberals embracing Conservative policy positions,' he said. 'Part of what we're doing with this exercise is [ensuring] we do have the ability to continue that kind of process: 'Here are the Conservative policies, Mark Carney et al, can you please follow these policies? They're better for the country than what you've been putting forward so far.''


National Post
9 hours ago
- Business
- National Post
Michael Taube: Why Pierre Poilievre should not fire Jenni Byrne
Election night can be a glorious occasion for some political parties and governments, and a dismal outcome for others. It's not unusual for the long knives to come out after a poor result. That's what some people are suggesting is happening right now within the Conservative Party's inner sanctum — and the main target is Jenni Byrne. Article content Article content 'Pressure is mounting on Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre to fire Jenni Byrne, his national campaign manager,' according to a May 22 CBC News piece, 'whom critics hold responsible for the party's election defeat last month.' Twelve Conservative sources reportedly spoke with Radio-Canada reporter Christian Noel and were 'granted confidentiality to discuss internal party matters.' Article content Many quotes were rather harsh. Article content Article content 'After a loss, heads have to roll,' one Conservative source suggested. 'If Jenni Byrne stays, we won't be able to support Pierre,' said another. 'There's only one head that needs to roll, and that's Jenni's. You don't realize how she treats everyone like garbage,' a third person remarked. Article content Byrne also reportedly exhibits 'toxic and angry' behaviour. She supposedly feels that 'everything is a war' in politics. She was called 'a bully who operates on threats' and 'many MPs are either afraid of her or hate her.' One source even warned, 'Pierre needs to change his negative personality and kick Jenni out. Otherwise, it's the caucus that's going to kick the leader out.' Article content People often talk tough when they can hide behind a cloak of anonymity. They wouldn't dare say these types of things in public. Or to Byrne's face, for that matter. Article content Let's put this rumour to bed. As someone who's been connected to the Conservative party, movement, and circles of interest for decades, I can confidently say there's no 'pressure' on Poilievre to fire Byrne. Are some Conservatives frustrated with the election result and view it as a missed opportunity? Yes, but that's par for the course. There's no inner party revolt brewing, and confidence in Poilievre and Byrne remains strong. Article content Why did the CBC suggest otherwise? While I'm sure that real people were interviewed for Noel's piece, my guess is these Conservative sources were largely left-leaning Red Tories, old Progressive Conservative supporters — or both. These individuals have always had it in for Byrne and others who were born, bred and worked in Reform Party and Canadian Alliance circles. It's a long-standing issue that stems back to the 2003 merger of the Alliance and PCs. In spite of the fact the Reform/Alliance side was the much larger and more dominant group, the Red Tories and PCs grasp at straws and look for opportunities to regain power. That's highly unlikely: their numbers are decreasing, and they're even more irrelevant now than they were before. Article content Not that this would deter the CBC one little bit. Poilievre has long supported defunding the CBC. He told Toronto Sun columnist Brian Lilley last December that it would happen 'very quick.' Any story that could knock down the Conservative leader a few extra pegs would likely be of some interest. If disgruntled Conservatives also wanted to throw a few stones at him, a slingshot could be provided.


CBC
11 hours ago
- Business
- CBC
Can Mark Carney defeat Canadian populism?
Speaking to reporters after the speech from the throne on Tuesday, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre struck a decidedly institutionalist tone. "We joined today in thanking His Majesty for coming to Canada and delivering the throne speech, reinforcing our ancient, great British liberties," he said. "A parliamentary system that goes back 800 years. A system that has served Canada well and has been the foundation of what I love to call the Canadian promise." A Conservative praising the monarch might not seem unusual. Former foreign affairs minister John Baird, a close ally of Poilievre's, once demanded that his department hang a portrait of the Queen in the foyer of its headquarters. But support for the monarchy among Conservative voters seems to have slipped in recent years. Pollara recently found Conservatives are evenly split on Canada remaining a constitutional monarchy and the Angus Reid Institute says the share of Conservatives supporting the monarchy has fallen from 53 per cent in 2016 to 30 per cent now. More than that, Poilievre has enthusiastically embraced the modern style of populism. He has thrived on conflict and for the last three years has held himself out as a politician ready to do battle with the system — aligning himself with the self-styled "freedom convoy," vowing to fire the governor of the Bank of Canada and do battle with "elites," "gatekeepers" "liberal media" and "woke ideology" on behalf of the "common people." WATCH | Poilievre on the throne speech: Poilievre says King's throne speech reaffirmed Canada's traditions 4 days ago Duration 1:17 Following the throne speech, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre emphasized the importance of strengthening Canada's relationship with the U.K. and reminding the world of the countries' shared traditions. Given the willingness of Poilievre and other Conservatives to challenge the Speaker and push the limits of acceptable behaviour in the House of Commons, it's also interesting to see Poilievre praising the parliamentary system. But is it possible that the visit of King Charles — in addition to asserting Canada's sovereignty and reminding Canadians of the unique history and enduring institutions that underpin this country's democracy — also marked the end of Canada's brief populist moment? It is, of course, far too early to draw any such conclusion — not least because Poilievre's Conservatives are still just a month removed from winning 41 per cent of the popular vote. One way or another, the ultimate fate of the populist appeal in Canada may really depend on what His Majesty's government does next. Can Carney show the system works? Mark Carney might seem like exactly the wrong sort of character to battle populism. When he was first rumoured as a potential successor to Justin Trudeau, it was easy to imagine that Poilievre would have a relatively easy time running an anti-elite campaign against a former Goldman Sachs banker. The return of Donald Trump and his threats against Canada obviously changed the electoral calculus for at least a plurality of voters. But before the Trump question came to dominate his campaign, Carney seemed to understand that he was facing an electorate that was disenchanted with the way things worked — or rather, didn't work. "The system, it's not working as it should and it's not working as it could," Carney said in Edmonton when he declared his candidacy for leadership of the Liberal Party. "People are anxious. And no wonder. Too many are falling behind. Too many young people can't afford a home. Too many people can't find a doctor." Carney noted that technological change, climate change and now Trump were adding to the sense of uncertainty. But he also drew a line between himself and Poilievre's contention that Canada was "broken" — comparing Poilievre to the United Kingdom's Conservatives. "Conservatives don't run around saying Canada is broken because they want to fix it," Carney said. "They want a license to demolish and destroy, including many of the things on which we all depend. Because populists don't understand how our economy and our society actually works." WATCH | Tariff uncertainty continues: At Issue | Canada caught in Trump tariff uncertainty 1 day ago Duration 22:04 One way Carney could make the case against demolition and destruction is by demonstrating that the system can work better. And the most tangible way to do that might be to address the concerns of those young people who can't afford a home. In this spring's election, Carney's Liberals effectively battled Poilievre's Conservatives to a draw on housing, at least limiting the advantage that the Conservatives could have had on the issue. And Liberal re-election hopes may hinge on their ability to show real progress toward solving the housing crisis — a crisis that Carney has promised to meet with speed and force. But even if the Carney government is able to make good on his promise to rapidly increase construction and reduce the cost of housing, would successfully addressing that issue — and others like it — be enough to turn back the populist wave that seemed, until a few months ago, to be washing over Canadian politics? Will Trump discredit populism? As populist parties and politicians have made advances globally — in places like the United States and the United Kingdom — there has been debate about whether their supporters are driven by economic frustrations or cultural issues. The answer might ultimately prove to be some combination of the two. But at the very least, addressing issues like housing might weaken the underlying appeal or logic of populism. Beyond housing, it might help the anti-populist cause if Carney can find ways to reinforce trust in government or demonstrably work across party lines (at least at the provincial level). Whether inspired by their reverence for the monarchy or not, Conservatives themselves could also decide to move away from some of its populist elements. But could Donald Trump actually now prove to be the greatest force working against populism in Canada? Trump's unavoidable presence and glaring example could conceivably have two impacts on Canadian politics. First, it might discredit — or harden opposition against — the populist style of politics in the eyes of many Canadians. At the very least, we have already seen Poilievre forced to grapple with accusations that he is too much like Trump — with non-Conservative voters largely coalescing behind Carney and the Liberals. Second, the direct threat Trump poses to Canada and the wider instability he is causing may be changing what Canadian voters want. After last month's election result, David Coletto of Abacus Data argued that the predominant mood in Canada had shifted from anger to seeking stability — and speculated that the "age of rage" may have given way to the "age of reassurance." But whatever the Trump effect turns out to be, a lot may still depend on how well non-populist governments and leaders make the case against populism. Trump may have reset Canadian politics, but if reassurance doesn't come, rage may be harder to hold back.


CTV News
a day ago
- Business
- CTV News
Ottawa's plan to ‘fast-track' infrastructure doesn't go far enough: Poilievre
Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre speaks to reporters in the foyer of the House of Commons on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on Friday, May 30, 2025. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Sean Kilpatrick Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre says the government's plan to circumvent the Impact Assessment Act to speed up key infrastructure projects doesn't go far enough. Taking questions from reporters in Ottawa today, Poilievre wouldn't say whether his party will support the bill without reading it first. The government is developing a 'national interest' bill to fast-track nation-building projects with a streamlined regulatory approval process as a substitute for reviews under the Impact Assessment Act. Poilievre says that while that might get some projects moving, there are dozens of other projects that might not even come forward as long as the act itself remains in place. Poilievre calls the Impact Assessment Act, also known as C-69, the 'worst approval system in the world' and frequently criticized it during the election campaign. Prime Minister Mark Carney campaigned on a promise to push big projects forward swiftly, as Canada seeks to decouple its economy from an increasingly unpredictable and unreliable United States. This report by The Canadian Press was first published May 30, 2025 Nick Murray, The Canadian Press