Centre rules out doorstep delivery of food grains for elderly and disabled under PDS
The clarification comes amid growing calls from civil society groups and rights advocates for the government to ensure easier access to food entitlements for people with disabilities and senior citizens.
In a written response to Lok Sabha on Wednesday, union minister of consumer affairs, food and public distribution Pralhad Joshi said the existing framework of the PDS, governed by the National Food Security Act (NFSA), 2013, does not provide for delivering food grains directly to beneficiaries' homes.
The minister said operational responsibilities—such as lifting, transporting and distributing food grains to the doorsteps of fair-price shops—fell under the purview of state governments. While food grains were delivered to fair-price shops, it was the responsibility of beneficiaries to collect their entitlements from these outlets, he added.
Beneficiaries fall into one of two categories under the NFSA framework—Antyodaya Anna Yojana (AAY) households and priority households (PHH), as determined by union and state guidelines, respectively. However, the act has no special provisions for disabled or elderly persons, and there is currently no proposal under consideration to extend doorstep delivery to them, the ministry said.
There are at present about 81.35 crore beneficiaries under the Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana (PMGKAY), which provides free food grains to both AAY and PHH households. The scheme was extended for five years from 1 January 2024. Each AAY household receives 35 kg of food grains a month, while each person in the PHH category receives 5 kg a month.
The annual food subsidy from the government for the distribution of food grains to AAY households, PHH beneficiaries, other welfare schemes, and tide-over allocations work out to around ₹ 2.13 trillion, according to the ministry's website. Assuming a rise in economic costs, the union government expects to spend about ₹ 11.80 trillion over the next five years on food subsidies under PMGKAY to ease the financial burden of India's poorest, according to the ministry's website.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Hindu
2 hours ago
- The Hindu
Arun Nehru demands cold storage at Musiri to help banana farmers
Perambalur Member of Parliament K.N. Arun Nehru has urged the Union government to establish a modern cold storage for banana at Musiri in Tiruchi district for the benefit of farmers. The Musiri-Kulithalai belt in Tiruchi and Karur districts, falling under Perambalur Lok Sabha constituency, is a major banana-growing region in Tamil Nadu. 'The belt encompassing Musiri, Thotttiyam, and Kulithalai, situated on the fertile banks of the Cauvery, is one of the largest banana-producing hubs in the State. Our farmers cultivate several important varieties such as poovan, rasthali, and nendran, which are supplied across the country, and form the backbone of the local agricultural economy. The region lacks modern cold storage infrastructure,' Mr. Arun Nehru said while raising the issue in Lok Sabha recently. Pointing out that banana was a highly perishable fruit, Mr. Nehru said without adequate cold storage, farmers were frequently forced to sell the produce at throwaway prices. This caused significant financial loss and negated the farmers' year-long hard work, the MP said. The presence of the Indian Council of Agricultural Research's National Research Centre for Banana in Tiruchi underscores the strategic importance of the crop in the region, he said and urged the Union Minister of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare to sanction a 'large-scale, modern cold storage facility in Musiri.' This would empower farmers by reducing post-harvest wastage and significantly boost the rural economy, he added.
Hindustan Times
2 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
40 years of Assam Accord: A lookback at gains and unfulfilled clauses
On Tuesday, leaders from Assam Jatiya Parishad (AJP), a regional party in Assam, met Congress MP and leader of opposition in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi, in Delhi. Also present were Assam Congress president and the party's deputy leader in Lok Sabha, Gaurav Gogoi, and two other Congress MPs from the state Pradyut Bordoloi and Rakibul Hussain. Leaders from Assam Jatiya Parishad (AJP), a regional party in Assam, met Congress MP and leader of opposition in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi, in Delhi. (@INCAssam) Among other issues including next year's assembly polls in the northeastern state and a likely alliance between AJP and Congress, the leaders discussed the Assam Accord and its implementation. The regional party's president Lurinjyoti Gogoi later told journalists that he urged Gandhi to raise the issue of non-implementation of critical clauses of the accord in Parliament. The accord, which was signed on August 15, 1985 to mark the end of a six-year agitation against illegal immigrants (especially those from Bangladesh), to which Gandhi's father, the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, was also a signatory, will complete 40 years this Friday. The accord signed by the union government and All Assam Students Union (AASU) and All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad (AAGSP), the two organisations from the state that had spearheaded the 1979-1985 agitation, is considered as the most important deal to stop illegal immigration, detect and deport foreigners residing in the state and give constitutional, legislative and administrative safeguards for Assamese people. Over the past four decades many of the clauses in the accord have been fulfilled. But the core issues of fencing the entire border with Bangladesh to prevent entry of illegal immigrants, detection and deportation of all foreigners who entered the state after March 25, 1971 (the day Bangladesh came into being) and providing constitutional safeguards to Assamese people remain unfulfilled despite assurances by successive governments from different political parties including Congress, Asom Gana Parishad (formed after signing of the accord) and Bharatiya Janata Party. Assam has a separate government department, set up in 1986, to implement the accord The agitation and the accord The Assam Agitation started in 1979 after names of several thousands of dubious citizens got included in the electoral rolls of Mangaldai constituency ahead of the 1980 Lok Sabha polls. This led to fears among indigenous groups that if the influx from Bangladesh continued unabated, it would lead to political, social and demographic sidelining of the original inhabitants. The protests over the next six years were led by AASU and organisations like AAGSP and saw participation from all sections of society. Though the agitation was mainly non-violent, over 800 people were killed in police action and nearly 2,000 killed in a single night in 1983 when members of indigenous groups attacked villages in Nellie of Bengali-speaking Muslims with origins in Bangladesh. The agitation came to an end following signing of the accord. 'Foreigners who came to Assam on or after March 25, 1971 shall continue to be detected, deleted and expelled in accordance with law. Immediate and practical steps shall be taken to expel such foreigners,' stated one of the main clauses of the agreement. It added that the international border (with Bangladesh) shall be made secure against future infiltration by erection of physical barriers like walls. barbed wire fencing and other obstacles at appropriate places. Strengthening of security arrangements to prevent future infiltration adequate number of check posts would be set up, it mentioned. Clause 6 of the accord stipulates, 'Constitutional, legislative and administrative safeguards, as may be appropriate, shall be provided to protect, preserve and promote the cultural, social, linguistic identity and heritage of the Assamese people'. Over the past decades some of the demands raised by AASU and few included in the accord have been met. Establishment of the sprawling Srimanta Sankardeva Kalakshetra in Guwahati for preservation, promotion and upliftment of culture of the people of Assam is one. Setting up of the Numaligarh Refinery Limited, the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) in Guwahati and two central universities, Tezpur University in Tezpur and Assam University in Silchar are other such completed projects. But issues like fencing the 267-km border Assam shares with Bangladesh, which is crucial to put an end to infiltration from the neighbouring country, is yet to be completed. Of the total border around 61 km, most of which falls in riverine areas, remain unprotected. Minister for implementation of the accord, Atul Bora, told the state assembly that fencing has been completed while the rest 39-40 km still remain open. Implementation of another prominent clause regarding detection and deportation of illegal immigrants also remains partial. While there is no exact number of such persons residing in Assam some estimates say they could be anywhere from 1 to 4 million or even more. The final report on updation of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) for the state, which was supervised by the Supreme Court with the aim of weeding out illegal immigrants and got over in August 2019, had left out 1.9 million applicants. But that figure is debated, the list is yet to be ratified by the Registrar General of India and several petitions are pending in the apex court seeking partial or complete overhaul of the 5-year-long exercise. In the same reply to the assembly in February, Bora had mentioned that since signing of the accord, and until December 31, 2024, at least 165,531 illegal immigrants residing in Assam had been detected and declared as foreigners by tribunals specially set up for that purpose--cases against nearly 85,000 others who are suspected to be illegal foreigners are still pending. Bora had told the assembly that of those detected 30,115 were deported. Details on the rest are sketchy. In May this year, chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma had stated that nearly 30,000 of those declared foreigners by tribunals had gone missing with no details of their whereabouts at present. Contentious Clause 6 But the most highlighted and controversial of all things in the accord is Clause 6 that promised 'constitutional, legislative and administrative safeguards' to protect the identity and heritage of 'Assamese people'. But since the accord doesn't clearly define who would be considered as 'Assamese people', there's confusion on who would enjoy the constitutional safeguards. Implementation of Clause 6 remained in the backburner for over three decades till the BJP-led government in Centre formed a committee in 2019 to suggest recommendations. The 13-member committee headed by Justice (Retd) Biplab Kumar Sarma had submitted its report to the then chief minister Sarbananda Sonowal in February 2020. It had stipulated 1951 as the cut-off date to determine who an Assamese is (those who themselves or their ancestors were living in the state in that year). Other recommendations of the committee include protection of the state's culture, heritage and languages, job safeguards (100% reservation in Grade III and IV jobs and 70% in Grade I and II jobs for Assamese people), protection of land of indigenous people as well reservations in parliamentary and assembly seats for indigenous people. The recommendations again took a backseat for five years till the state government and AASU reached an agreement in February this year on implementing 38 of the 52 recommendations of the committee. CM Sarma stated that those would include mandatory inclusion of Assamese language as a subject in all schools of Brahmaputra Valley and Assamese and Bodo languages as subjects in all schools in the Bodoland Territorial Region (BTR). Similarly, all schools will have to teach students about Assam's history and geography mandatorily till Class 8. It was decided that the state government and AASU would continue deliberations on how to implement the rest of the recommendations and also urge the Centre to find ways to take forward some other recommendations like reservations in Lok Sabha and assembly seats for indigenous people, which don't fall under purview of the state government. With elections happening in few months and issues like illegal immigrants, evictions of 'suspected Bangladeshis' from government and forest lands, rights of indigenous people coming to focus again, the Assam Accord and its implementation will again hit headlines with parties doling out assurances and blaming rivals for the long delay in reaching its stated objectives.
Indian Express
2 hours ago
- Indian Express
‘Beti', ‘Bahu', to MP, leader: The evolution of Dimple Yadav
In 2009, when Dimple Yadav made her debut in politics by contesting a bypoll from the Firozabad Lok Sabha constituency, the then 30-year-old campaigned under the guidance of her husband and Samajwadi Party (SP) chief Akhilesh Yadav. On her party's advice, she delivered short speeches, referring to herself as 'beti (daughter)' and 'bahu (daughter-in-law)', greeting audiences with folded hands and waving at crowds when prompted by her husband. Nearly 16 years later, when women MPs of the NDA on July 28 staged a demonstration over a Delhi-based cleric's remarks against Dimple, the SP MP from Mainpuri shot back with a response of her own. 'It would have been better if they had protested against the Manipur violence, the footage of which appeared on social media. It would have been better had they staged demonstrations and stood with the women of Manipur,' Dimple said. The cleric had objected to Dimple not covering her head and wearing a sari for her visit to a mosque in New Delhi on July 21, along with other SP leaders. Incidentally, while the NDA rallied its women MPs in her support, the BJP's minority cell sided with the cleric in criticising Dimple on the issue. Dimple's forceful response to the NDA's backhanded support to her was another example of the 47-year-old SP MP's evolution as a politician in her own right. The change has been increasingly evident since she was picked to contest from the Mainpuri Lok Sabha seat held by her father-in-law and SP founder Mulayam Singh Yadav after the latter's death. She won the constituency first in a 2022 bypoll, and retained it in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. In fact, in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, Dimple conducted a parallel campaign to husband Akhilesh Yadav's across UP – often addressing rallies at the same time in different constituencies. Her presence was particularly prominent in constituencies where the SP had put up women. Ahead of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, in October 2023, Dimple shared the stage with leaders of other INDIA bloc parties, including senior Congress leader Sonia Gandhi and Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M K Stalin, at a Women's Rights Conference held by the DMK in Chennai. It was the first time Dimple had represented the SP at a national-level political event outside UP. In this Parliament, SP leaders recall how last year Dimple took the lead in demanding that the mic of her party colleague and Sambhal MP Zia Ur Rehman Barq be 'switched on' as he spoke in the House about communal violence in his constituency. An SP leader said: 'Dimple ji is now confident while addressing the media in the Parliament complex on her own. She does not hesitate in speaking to mediapersons and party workers.' An SP MP added: 'We consider Dimple ji our leader in the Lok Sabha if Adhyaksh ji (Akhilesh Yadav) is not present. She is the link between us and the party's top leadership.' During the recent protest of Opposition parties against Bihar's Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls, Dimple was one of the leading speakers from the SP's side. Questioning the increase in the BJP's vote share in recent bypolls in Uttar Pradesh she said the Election Commission had turned a blind eye to this 'dacoity of votes'. According to Juhie Singh, SP spokesperson and national president of the party's women's wing, Dimple played a role – if in the background – even during Akhilesh's tenure as CM in 2012 to 2017. 'Her suggestions were taken to frame policies on women and child welfare, and incorporated into the planning of the 1090 women's helpline. Her idea was to protect women and also empower them. A training programme for anganwadi and ASHA workers was started on her suggestion,' said Singh. The SP leader quoted above said that the 47-year-old has also taken on a more active role as an MP. 'She stays in touch with SP workers in her constituency and acknowledges them.' When Parliament is not in session, Dimple is mostly in Lucknow or Mainpuri meeting party workers. 'Earlier, she took meetings only of the party's women's wing. But now, she participates in meetings of other wings and of office-bearers,' said another leader. Having married Akhilesh in 1999, Dimple contested her first election in 2009, a bypoll to the Firozabad Lok Sabha seat, which she lost to actor-turned-politician Raj Babbar of the Congress. She moved to Kannauj Lok Sabha constituency (vacated by Akhilesh) and won it twice – first in a 2012 bypoll and then in the 2014 general elections. In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, however, she lost to the BJP's Subrat Pathak from the seat by over 12,000 votes. Her next contest was from the Mainpuri Lok Sabha seat in the 2022 bypoll, necessitated by Mulayam's death. BJP spokesperson Rakesh Tripathi said Dimple's only identity continues to be her association with the Mulayam family. 'She gets elected to Parliament because of this and she has no connect to the ground. This is not good for democracy.'
