
5 ways the ‘Big, Beautiful Bill' could impact Americans
Congressional Republicans are moving quickly to pass a mammoth tax and spending cuts package that could have a direct impact on millions of Americans, and drastic consequences for the economy.
The 1,000-plus page bill recently passed by the House would extend tax cuts set to expire as part of President Trump's signature 2017 tax law, provisions aimed at nixing taxes on tips and overtime pay.
It also includes a host of reforms to programs like Medicaid and food stamps that early estimates project could reduce spending in those areas by hundreds of billions of dollars in the next decade.
As Senate Republicans look to make their own changes to the package, here's five pieces of the House bill that could make waves across American life.
The centerpiece of the House measure is an extension and expansion of Trump's 2017 tax cut law.
The most significant part of the tax provisions may actually be the least noticeable: the cementing of current personal income tax rates. Rather than providing a big tax cut, the bill instead prevents a major increase in taxes that would have occurred next year.
But the House bill also includes several new tax cuts that could boost take-home pay for Americans across a wide range of income levels and demographics.
On the lower end of the income spectrum, the bill would increase the child tax credit, eliminate taxes on most tips and overtime pay, and provide a credit to cover the cost of taxes on Social Security benefits.
The bill also includes a significantly higher cap on the state and local tax (SALT) deduction, which primarily benefits residents of high-income, high-tax cities and their suburbs.
Much of the savings in the legislation comes from Medicaid.
The bill would cut nearly $800 billion from the program through a combination of provisions including work requirements on 'able-bodied adults' through age 64 without dependents, a freeze on provider taxes, more frequent checks of people's eligibility, and reducing federal Medicaid payments to states that provide healthcare coverage for undocumented immigrants.
The Congressional Budget Office estimated close to 10 million people would lose insurance coverage as a result.
The Medicaid provision with arguably the most direct impact on beneficiary coverage would be the provision for anyone 'able bodied' between the ages of 19 and 64 to work, go to school or volunteer for 80 hours a month—and then prove it. The requirements are the most stringent Republicans have ever put forward.
Most of the coverage losses would be from people who are eligible but aren't able to meet the reporting requirements.
Under pressure from conservatives, GOP leaders amended an initial version of the bill to enact the changes by the end of 2026 at the latest, a timeframe that experts and advocates warn will lead to rushed implementation by states and even more people losing insurance.
Outside of Medicaid, the legislation also would codify into law some technical and controversial changes President Trump proposed to make to the Affordable Care Act. Among other changes, the bill would end automatic reenrollment in ACA plans for people getting subsidies, end certain special enrollment periods, and shorten the overall open enrollment.
According to CBO, the ACA changes would result in 3 million additional uninsured people.
Senate Republicans have already indicated changes are possible regarding some of the proposed reforms to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) crafted in the House.
The bill would require states to cover a share of SNAP benefits costs, which are currently completely funded by the federal government. The bill would lower the federal share of the cost of SNAP from 100 percent to 95 percent starting fiscal 2028.
The bill also includes language that would increase states' shares of the costs in fiscal 2028 depending on their payment error rates – a move that proponents say would hold states accountable for billions of dollars in erroneous payments to participants annually.
If the error rate is 6 percent or higher, states would be subject to a sliding scale that could see their share of allotments rise to a range of between 15 percent and 25 percent.
Democrats have sharply criticized the proposal, which they argue could lead to states cutting benefits on their own.
In fiscal 2023, data from the U.S. Department of Agriculture showed that the national payment error rate was 11.68 percent. Most states on the list have payment error rates, which factors in a state's overpayments and underpayments, above 6 percent.
Other proposals in the bill would beef up work requirements for the program, seek to block the federal government from being able to increase monthly benefits in the future, and increase states' share of costs to administer SNAP.
The legislation guts massive subsidies for climate-friendly energy sources, including wind and solar power.
Doing so is expected to have significant ramifications on not only the nation's greenhouse gas emissions but also energy prices.
A recent analysis from BloombergNEF said that a repeal of the green tax credits would result in 17 percent less renewable construction. It said that the cut, combined with growing electricity demand, is 'a recipe for spiking power prices.'
Ethan Zindler, policies and countries analyst with BloombergNEF, said that for analysis purposes, the changes made in the House bill are akin to a full repeal.
'The tax code at the moment helps to reduce the cost of electricity for consumers from renewables, which today account for the vast majority of what gets added to the grid,' he said.
'if you remove those supports, then developers will simply seek to charge more, and in a number of cases, utilities will be forced to pay more, and those costs will flow through to consumers.'
Several analyses estimate that electric bills could rise noticeably as a result.
A Rhodium Group estimate has found that keeping the tax credits in place could save consumers 2 to 4 percent on their electric bills in 2030 and 2 to 5 percent in 2035. Aurora Energy Research has found that removing the tax credits will increase electric bills by an average of 10 percent – or $142 per year – by 2040.
While the House bill has a long way to go before it becomes law, it's already sending shockwaves through financial markets.
Bond traders have sent U.S. interesting rates rising as the House advanced a bill that most budget scorekeepers project to add at least $4 trillion to the debt over the next decade.
This could trickle through to the housing market and credit markets, adding another economic squeeze into the mix.
'Everybody I've talked to in the financial markets, they're staring at the bill, and they thought it was going to be much more in terms of fiscal restraint, and they're not necessarily seeing it,' Federal Reserve Governor Christopher Waller said in an interview last week on Fox Business Network's 'Mornings with Maria.'
'Therefore, there's going to be a lot of issuance of Treasuries. And in order for them to buy these things, they want it at a lower price, and therefore, a higher yield,' he said.
Some House fiscal hawks held their noses and voted for the measure despite their concerns, but several GOP senators have already pledged to vote against the bill given its bond market impact.
'I think we're having trouble selling our long bonds already,' warned Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.), who cited the rising interest rates.
'I want to get a deal done; I support the president's agenda. I support the border, I support the military, I support extending the Trump tax cuts — but we have to live in reality. But we got to live in reality here: We got a fiscal crisis,' Scott said.
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VATICAN CITY (AP) — As a bishop in Peru, Robert Prevost was often on the lookout for used cars that he could buy cheap and fix up himself for use in parishes around his diocese. With cars that were really broken down, he'd watch YouTube videos to learn how to fix them. That kind of make-do-with-less, fix-it-yourself mentality could serve Pope Leo XIV well as he addresses one of the greatest challenges facing him as pope: The Holy See's chronic, 50 million to 60 million euro ($57-68 million) structural deficit, 1 billion euro ($1.14 billion) pension fund shortfall and declining donations that together pose something of an existential threat to the central government of the 1.4-billion strong Catholic Church. As a Chicago-born math major, canon lawyer and two-time superior of his global Augustinian religious order, the 69-year-old pope presumably can read a balance sheet and make sense of the Vatican's complicated finances, which have long been mired in scandal. 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Fitzgerald, who spent his career in real estate private equity, said American donors — especially the younger generation — expect transparency and accountability from recipients of their money, and know they can find non-Vatican Catholic charities that meet those expectations. 'We would expect transparency before we would start to solve the problem,' he said. That said, Fitzgerald said he hadn't seen any significant let-up in donor willingness to fund the Papal Foundation's project-specific donations during the Francis pontificate. Indeed, U.S. donations to the Vatican overall have remained more or less consistent even as other countries' offerings declined, with U.S. bishops and individual Catholics contributing more than any other country in the two main channels to donate to papal causes. Francis moved Prevost to take over the diocese of Chiclayo, Peru, in 2014. Residents and fellow priests say he consistently rallied funds, food and other life-saving goods for the neediest — experience that suggests he knows well how to raise money when times are tight and how to spend wisely. He bolstered the local Caritas charity in Chiclayo, with parishes creating food banks that worked with local businesses to distribute donated food, said the Rev. Fidel Purisaca Vigil, a diocesan spokesperson. In 2019, Prevost inaugurated a shelter on the outskirts of Chiclayo, Villa San Vicente de Paul, to house desperate Venezuelan migrants who had fled their country's economic crisis. The migrants remember him still, not only for helping give them and their children shelter, but for bringing live chickens obtained from a donor. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Prevost launched a campaign to raise funds to build two oxygen plants to provide hard-hit residents with life-saving oxygen. 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While the order's local provinces are financially independent, Prevost was responsible for reviewing their balance sheets and oversaw the budgeting and investment strategy of the order's headquarters in Rome, said the Rev. Franz Klein, the order's Rome-based economist who worked with Prevost. The Augustinian campus sits on prime real estate just outside St. Peter's Square and supplements revenue by renting out its picturesque terrace to media organizations (including the AP) for major Vatican events, including the conclave that elected Leo pope. But even Prevost saw the need for better fundraising, especially to help out poorer provinces. Toward the end of his 12-year term and with his support, a committee proposed creation of a foundation, Augustinians in the World. At the end of 2023, it had 994,000 euros ($1.13 million) in assets and was helping fund self-sustaining projects across Africa, including a center to rehabilitate former child soldiers in Congo. 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Can an American pope apply US-style fundraising and standards to fix troubled Vatican finances?
VATICAN CITY (AP) — As a bishop in Peru, Robert Prevost was often on the lookout for used cars that he could buy cheap and fix up himself for use in parishes around his diocese. With cars that were really broken down, he'd watch YouTube videos to learn how to fix them. That kind of make-do-with-less, fix-it-yourself mentality could serve Pope Leo XIV well as he addresses one of the greatest challenges facing him as pope: The Holy See's chronic, 50 million to 60 million euro ($57-68 million) structural deficit, 1 billion euro ($1.14 billion) pension fund shortfall and declining donations that together pose something of an existential threat to the central government of the 1.4-billion strong Catholic Church. As a Chicago-born math major, canon lawyer and two-time superior of his global Augustinian religious order, the 69-year-old pope presumably can read a balance sheet and make sense of the Vatican's complicated finances, which have long been mired in scandal. Whether he can change the financial culture of the Holy See, consolidate reforms Pope Francis started and convince donors that their money is going to good use is another matter. Leo already has one thing going for him: his American-ness. U.S. donors have long been the economic life support system of the Holy See, financing everything from papal charity projects abroad to restorations of St. Peter's Basilica at home. Leo's election as the first American pope has sent a jolt of excitement through U.S. Catholics, some of whom had soured on donating to the Vatican after years of unrelenting stories of mismanagement, corruption and scandal, according to interviews with top Catholic fundraisers, philanthropists and church management experts. 'I think the election of an American is going to give greater confidence that any money given is going to be cared for by American principles, especially of stewardship and transparency,' said the Rev. Roger Landry, director of the Vatican's main missionary fundraising operation in the U.S., the Pontifical Mission Societies. 'So there will be great hope that American generosity is first going to be appreciated and then secondly is going to be well handled,' he said. 'That hasn't always been the circumstance, especially lately.' Reforms and unfinished business Pope Francis was elected in 2013 on a mandate to reform the Vatican's opaque finances and made progress during his 12-year pontificate, mostly on the regulatory front. With help from the late Australian Cardinal George Pell, Francis created an economy ministry and council made up of clergy and lay experts to supervise Vatican finances, and he wrestled the Italian-dominated bureaucracy into conforming to international accounting and budgetary standards. He authorized a landmark, if deeply problematic, corruption trial over a botched London property investment that convicted a once-powerful Italian cardinal. And he punished the Vatican's Secretariat of State that had allowed the London deal to go through by stripping it of its ability to manage its own assets. But Francis left unfinished business and his overall record, at least according to some in the donor community, is less than positive. Critics cite Pell's frustrated reform efforts and the firing of the Holy See's first-ever auditor general, who says he was ousted because he had uncovered too much financial wrongdoing. Despite imposing years of belt-tightening and hiring freezes, Francis left the Vatican in somewhat dire financial straits: The main stopgap bucket of money that funds budgetary shortfalls, known as the Peter's Pence, is nearly exhausted, officials say. The 1 billion euro ($1.14 billion) pension fund shortfall that Pell warned about a decade ago remains unaddressed, though Francis had planned reforms. And the structural deficit continues, with the Holy See logging an 83.5 million euro ($95 million) deficit in 2023, according to its latest financial report. As Francis' health worsened, there were signs that his efforts to reform the Vatican's medieval financial culture hadn't really stuck, either. The very same Secretariat of State that Francis had punished for losing tens of millions of euros in the scandalous London property deal somehow ended up heading up a new papal fundraising commission that was announced while Francis was in the hospital. According to its founding charter and statutes, the commission is led by the Secretariat of State's assessor, is composed entirely of Italian Vatican officials with no professional fundraising expertise and has no required external financial oversight. To some Vatican watchers, the commission smacks of the Italian-led Secretariat of State taking advantage of a sick pope to announce a new flow of unchecked donations into its coffers after its 600 million euro ($684 million) sovereign wealth fund was taken away and given to another office to manage as punishment for the London fiasco. 'There are no Americans on the commission. I think it would be good if there were representatives of Europe and Asia and Africa and the United States on the commission,' said Ward Fitzgerald, president of the U.S.-based Papal Foundation. It is made up of wealthy American Catholics that since 1990 has provided over $250 million (219 million euros) in grants and scholarships to the pope's global charitable initiatives. Fitzgerald, who spent his career in real estate private equity, said American donors — especially the younger generation — expect transparency and accountability from recipients of their money, and know they can find non-Vatican Catholic charities that meet those expectations. 'We would expect transparency before we would start to solve the problem,' he said. That said, Fitzgerald said he hadn't seen any significant let-up in donor willingness to fund the Papal Foundation's project-specific donations during the Francis pontificate. Indeed, U.S. donations to the Vatican overall have remained more or less consistent even as other countries' offerings declined, with U.S. bishops and individual Catholics contributing more than any other country in the two main channels to donate to papal causes. A head for numbers and background fundraising Francis moved Prevost to take over the diocese of Chiclayo, Peru, in 2014. Residents and fellow priests say he consistently rallied funds, food and other life-saving goods for the neediest — experience that suggests he knows well how to raise money when times are tight and how to spend wisely. He bolstered the local Caritas charity in Chiclayo, with parishes creating food banks that worked with local businesses to distribute donated food, said the Rev. Fidel Purisaca Vigil, a diocesan spokesperson. In 2019, Prevost inaugurated a shelter on the outskirts of Chiclayo, Villa San Vicente de Paul, to house desperate Venezuelan migrants who had fled their country's economic crisis. The migrants remember him still, not only for helping give them and their children shelter, but for bringing live chickens obtained from a donor. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Prevost launched a campaign to raise funds to build two oxygen plants to provide hard-hit residents with life-saving oxygen. In 2023, when massive rains flooded the region, he personally brought food to the flood-struck zone. Within hours of his May 8 election, videos went viral on social media of Prevost, wearing rubber boots and standing in a flooded street, pitching a solidarity campaign, 'Peru Give a Hand,' to raise money for flood victims. The Rev. Jorge Millán, who lived with Prevost and eight other priests for nearly a decade in Chiclayo, said he had a 'mathematical' mentality and knew how to get the job done. Prevost would always be on the lookout for used cars to buy for use around the diocese, Millán said, noting that the bishop often had to drive long distances to reach all of his flock or get to Lima, the capital. Prevost liked to fix them up himself, and if he didn't know what to do, 'he'd look up solutions on YouTube and very often he'd find them,' Millán told The Associated Press. Before going to Peru, Prevost served two terms as prior general, or superior, of the global Augustinian order. While the order's local provinces are financially independent, Prevost was responsible for reviewing their balance sheets and oversaw the budgeting and investment strategy of the order's headquarters in Rome, said the Rev. Franz Klein, the order's Rome-based economist who worked with Prevost. The Augustinian campus sits on prime real estate just outside St. Peter's Square and supplements revenue by renting out its picturesque terrace to media organizations (including the AP) for major Vatican events, including the conclave that elected Leo pope. But even Prevost saw the need for better fundraising, especially to help out poorer provinces. Toward the end of his 12-year term and with his support, a committee proposed creation of a foundation, Augustinians in the World. At the end of 2023, it had 994,000 euros ($1.13 million) in assets and was helping fund self-sustaining projects across Africa, including a center to rehabilitate former child soldiers in Congo. 'He has a very good interest and also a very good feeling for numbers,' Klein said. 'I have no worry about the finances of the Vatican in these years because he is very, very clever.' ___ Franklin Briceño contributed from Lima, Peru. ___ Associated Press religion coverage receives support through the AP's collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content. Error in retrieving data Sign in to access your portfolio Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data