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William Lai vows to protect Taiwan security and industry in speech marking year as leader

William Lai vows to protect Taiwan security and industry in speech marking year as leader

Taiwanese leader
William Lai Ching-te has pledged to protect interests of the island's various sectors in its ongoing tariff negotiations with the United States, while standing firm on security amid growing pressure from Beijing.
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In a speech marking his first year in office on Tuesday, Lai reiterated his call for peace and dialogue with Beijing but emphasised that
Taiwan must continue strengthening its defence and self-reliance to ensure security and stability.
Facing both external and internal challenges over the past year, Lai has had to navigate tensions with Washington – despite what he described as the 'best-ever' US-Taiwan relations – alongside near-daily military threats from Beijing and sharp political divisions at home.
02:17
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The administration was caught off guard last month when US President Donald Trump announced a sweeping
32 per cent tariff on Taiwanese imports , citing unfair trade practices and a large bilateral surplus.
'Friction between friends is inevitable, but it can be worked through,' Lai said. 'Taiwan has long engaged and cooperated with the United States and other democratic partners, growing together through mutual encouragement.'
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Responding to mounting concern over the tariff talks, Lai said discussions were 'ongoing and proceeding smoothly' after a previous round of in-person negotiations.
'The government will uphold three core principles: protecting national interests, supporting industrial development, and never sacrificing any single sector,' he said. 'We will deepen Taiwan-US economic ties in a deliberate, balanced and strategic manner to secure the best possible outcome.'

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Even if he does, one lesson he appears to have learned from the Moon Jae-in years is that South Korea is irrelevant to his goals: Kim wants sanctions reduction and only the US is necessary for that. If North Korea bypasses South Korea entirely to achieve its diplomatic objectives over the next five years, Seoul may actually have a weaker hand in dealing with Pyongyang and its regional partnerships may become even more important. Second, 'balance' between China and the US may not be up to Lee. Enjoying the security benefits that come with being a US ally and the economic boon of partnering with China would be a difficult posture under any circumstances. It will prove especially challenging if the rumors of US troop withdrawal prove true, leaving Lee to convince the US to increase its engagement in other ways, whether economically, in terms of intelligence-sharing, or in bolstering defense through weapons acquisition. But Beijing presents other problems: China remains deeply unpopular in Korea, and not all governments that have shifted in the direction of the US since the Covid-19 pandemic did so voluntarily. Should Seoul's decisions in the security, trade, or tech spheres displease Beijing, the measures China takes in response may force South Korea down the path of Australia, India and the Philippines, whose domestic discontent with Chinese actions pushed them into Washington's arms. If that happens popular sentiment could force Lee into a more hawkish position than he is comfortable with, and into a confrontation with his own party. No one expects Lee to be as friendly to Japan as his predecessor, who made unprecedented (and unpopular) gestures toward Tokyo in the name of trilateral security cooperation. But just because Lee is not another Yoon Suk Yeol does not mean he has to be another Moon Jae-in, who regularly inveighed against the 'collaborators,' abrogated the 2015 comfort women agreement with Japan to the delight of activists but not defense specialists, and threatened more serious steps like ending South Korea's involvement in the GSOMIA. Even if Lee declines to meet the Japanese prime minister for a summit, stable ties – marked by continued dialogues in the bilateral and trilateral formats – are in Korea's best interests. It's one thing for Lee to request sincere contrition from Japan regarding its imperial past; it's another thing entirely to throw away those ties to the benefit of China's hegemonic present. For a non-movement conservative to bolster bilateral Japan ties, even incrementally, will do wonders for the relationship over the long term. Lee has come under fire for saying that his reaction to a China-Taiwan contingency would be to say ' xie xie ' to both sides and otherwise steer clear. One can certainly decry such indifference. While Lee has sought to frame this as seeking good relations with both Taipei and Beijing, for an autocratic power to attempt the forcible absorption of a liberal democracy would have serious repercussions for all free societies and for US security guarantees, across the Indo-Pacific. Neutrality is not good enough. However, the ambiguity of Korea's response to a Taiwan contingency did not begin with Lee and it is not up to him to solve alone. The United States must play a role in determining the parameters of Seoul's engagement, including by organizing discussions with Seoul at the track 2 level and above to help decide what Seoul's response to a Taiwan Strait emergency would be. A good first step would be for a US-ROK summit to include a statement opposing any effort to change the status quo by force. Given recent Chinese diplomatic initiatives, even that might count as a bold step from Seoul. Again, the key word is 'balance' – and not just in foreign affairs. In addition to the personal differences compared with his predecessor that Lee brings to the presidency, his party's base will have different demands. How he manages those expectations in the face of a rapidly changing security climate will determine his legacy, and maybe South Korea's future. Rob York ( rob@ ) is director for regional affairs at Pacific Forum International. He is the editor of Pacific Forum publications and spearheads Pacific Forum outreach to the Korean Peninsula and South Asia. He earned his PhD in Korean history in December 2023.

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