Europe's answer to ChatGPT? Mistral adds voice and research features to Le Chat AI
In a blog post released on Thursday, the company said it is "making Le Chat even more capable, more intuitive and more fun", introducing upgrades designed to improve the platform's performance in research, communication, and contextual organisation.
Among the standout additions isVoxtral, a feature that allows users to interact with the AI via voice rather than traditional typing. This brings Le Chat more in line with offerings from rivals such as OpenAI's ChatGPT and Google's Gemini, which have already introduced multi-modal capabilities.
The update also includes aDeep Research mode, which enables the chatbot to source "credible information" across a range of topics. The feature is aimed at improving reliability in a sector frequently challenged by the spread of misinformation and the difficulty AI systems face in discerning fact from fiction.
While Mistral is often hailed as Europe's leading AI hopeful, it remains a relatively small player compared to industry heavyweights in the United States. Nevertheless, the Paris-based company has made significant strides. It is currently valued at $6.2 billion and has received high-profile backing, including praise from French President Emmanuel Macron. The firm also gained global attention earlier this year at an international AI summit held in Paris.
Mistral has established partnerships with major French corporations such as TotalEnergies, CMA CGM, and Orange, with a clear focus on expanding its presence in the corporate market. The company is prioritising on-premises deployment of its models, catering to businesses seeking more control over data and infrastructure.
By enhancing Le Chat's capabilities, Mistral aims to position itself as a serious contender in the AI race, one that brings European innovation into closer competition with American giant like OpenAI and Chinese players like DeepSeek.
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The Hindu
22 minutes ago
- The Hindu
U.S. House sends bill regulating stablecoins to Trump
The U.S. House has passed three bills intended to boost the legitimacy of the cryptocurrency industry with new regulations as U.S. President Donald Trump has pushed to make the U.S. the ' crypto capital of the world.' One of the three bills, legislation to regulate a type of cryptocurrency called stablecoins, had already passed the Senate with broad bipartisan support and will now head to Trump's desk. The other two bills — a broader measure to create a new market structure for cryptocurrency and a bill to prohibit the Federal Reserve from issuing a new digital currency — will go to the Senate. The stablecoin bill, passed on a 308-122 vote, sets initial guardrails and consumer protections for the cryptocurrency, which is tied to a stable asset, often the U.S. dollar, to reduce price volatility. It passed the Senate with bipartisan support in June. 'Around the world, payment systems are undergoing a revolution,' said House Financial Services Chair French Hill of Arkansas as lawmakers debated the stablecoin legislation Thursday morning. Hill said the bill will 'ensure American competitiveness and strong guardrails for our consumers.' After Mr. Trump declared it 'crypto week,' the bills were stalled for more than a day amid disagreements among House Republicans about how to combine the legislation. In the end, GOP leaders put the three bills for a separate votes, leaving the fate of the other two bills unclear in the Senate. The internal dissent could foreshadow challenges ahead for the more sweeping crypto legislation that Trump has demanded and the industry has poured millions into advancing. The stablecoin measure is seen by lawmakers and the industry as a step toward adding legitimacy and consumer trust to a rapidly growing sector. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said in June that the legislation could help that currency 'grow into a $3.7 trillion market by the end of the decade.' The bill outlines requirements for stablecoin issuers, including compliance with U.S. anti-money laundering and sanctions laws, and mandates that issuers hold reserves backing the cryptocurrency. Without such a framework, Republicans on the Senate Banking Committee in a statement warned, 'consumers face risks like unstable reserves or unclear operations from stablecoin issuers." After the votes, House Republicans strongly urged the Senate to take up the second bill, which would create a new market structure for cryptocurrency. Rep. Bryan Steil, R-Wis., said the 294-134 vote on that legislation shows broad bipartisan support and a 'massive energy' on the issue. But it is so far unclear whether the Senate would consider the House bill or try to write its own. That legislation aims to provide clarity for how digital assets are regulated. The bill defines what forms of cryptocurrency should be treated as commodities regulated by the Commodity Futures Trading Commission and which are securities policed by the Securities and Exchange Commission. In general, tokens associated with 'mature' blockchains, like bitcoin, will be considered commodities. The third bill, passed on a narrower 219-210 margin, prohibits the U.S. from offering what's known as a 'central bank digital currency,' which is like a government-issued form of digital cash. The crypto industry has long complained that unclear laws have made it difficult to operate in the U.S. and that the Biden administration tried to regulate it through enforcement actions rather than transparent rulemaking. Getting this bill passed has been a top priority for the industry, which has quickly become a major power player in Washington thanks to heavy campaign donations and lobbying. Advocates said the passage of the bills marks a key moment in cryptocurrency's winding path toward mainstream adoption. Patrick McHenry, the former chair of the House Financial Services Committee and now vice chair of the crypto firm Ondo Finance, said the legislation will have a 'massive generational impact,' similar to the securities laws Congress passed in the 1930s that helped make Wall Street the center of the financial world. 'These bills will make the United States the center of the world for digital assets,' he said. While the bill has significant bipartisan support, it has also faced pushback from Democrats who say the legislation should address Mr. Trump's personal financial interests in the crypto space. 'No one should be surprised that these same Republicans' next order of business is to validate, legitimize, and endorse the Trump family's corruption and efforts to sell the White House to the highest bidder,' said California Rep. Maxine Waters, the top Democrat on the Financial Services panel. A provision in the stablecoin bill bans members of Congress and their families from profiting off stablecoins. But that prohibition does not extend to the president and his family, even as Mr. Trump builds a crypto empire from the White House. In May, the Republican president hosted a private dinner at his golf club in Virginia with top investors in a Trump-branded meme coin. His family holds a significant stake in World Liberty Financial, a crypto project that launched its own stablecoin, USD1. Mr. Trump reported earning $57.35 million from token sales at World Liberty Financial in 2024, according to a public financial disclosure released in June. A meme coin linked to him has generated an estimated $320 million in fees, though the earnings are split among multiple investors. Some Democrats also criticised the bill for creating what they see as an overly weak regulatory framework that could pose long-term financial risks. They've also raised concerns that the legislation opens the door for major corporations to issue their own private cryptocurrencies. 'If this bill passes, it will allow Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg to issue their own money. The bill still permits Big Tech companies and other conglomerates to issue their own private currencies,' said Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren, the top Democrat on the Senate Banking Committee.
Time of India
22 minutes ago
- Time of India
Japan voters see little hope for tariff reprieve in car maker Mazda's hometown
When car maker Mazda sneezes, everyone catches a cold, say people in its hometown of Hiroshima in western Japan, but these days, auto parts maker Yuji Yamaguchi fears a deep chill is on the way. "If Mazda builds fewer cars, our orders will drop," said Yamaguchi, whose 110-year-old firm, Nanjo Auto Interior, has almost 1,000 employees making door panels and other parts for the automaker, which accounts for more than 90% of its sales. "The key thing is whether we can remain profitable with lower volumes." The economic engine of Hiroshima, a manufacturing hub 800 km (500 miles) southwest of Tokyo, Mazda faces U.S. tariffs of 25% on automobiles, a dispiriting prospect for an electorate already battling inflation and a weak economy. Japan votes on Sunday in an upper house election that looks set to weaken the grip on power of Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba , who has failed to win a tariff reprieve from the United States, its closest ally and a crucial trade partner. "I have no expectations for the Japanese government anymore," said Yamaguchi, a great-grandson of Mazda founder Jujiro Matsuda. "I'm past frustration and have just resigned myself to things." As people in Hiroshima and other auto manufacturing regions, brace for the inevitable fall-out from tariffs, Yamaguchi said he had little hope the government could turn the tide. President Donald Trump has given no sign of relenting on his tariffs, and has even hinted at raising those against Japan. Mazda, which saw U.S. sales fall 18.6% in May on the year and by 6.5% in June, is one of the Japanese car makers most exposed to U.S. tariffs. Imports bring in the bulk of Mazda's American sales, but the importance of the wider industry for Japan is almost impossible to overstate. After Japan ceded global leadership in chips and consumer electronics, its auto industry has grown to make up about 28% of the roughly $145 billion worth of goods shipped to the United States last year. There are more than 68,000 companies in Japan's auto supply chain , a July survey by research firm Teikoku Data Bank showed, and the JAMA industry group says they employ 5.6 million people, or about 8% of the labour force. "A supply chain is hard to rebuild once broken," said Hideki Tsuchikawa, research head at Teikoku Databank's branch in Hiroshima, which his firm estimates is home to more than 2,000 auto suppliers. "Automobiles are a core national industry. Government support is essential." The tariffs could cost Mazda and other smaller Japanese automakers U.S. market share lost to bigger rivals, said Julie Boote, an autos analyst at Pelham Smithers Associates in London. Mazda, headquartered in Hiroshima, where it has assembly plants, has so far declined to give a full-year earnings outlook, citing the uncertainty of tariffs. In a statement, Mazda told Reuters its top priority was to protect suppliers, dealers and employees as it looked to overcome the tariff impact . It anticipated significant impact in the short term, the company said, adding it was taking all possible steps, such as asking for government countermeasures. 'NO OVERTIME, NO DRINKING' It is hard to say whether the uncertainty will further deepen voter anger over time, or how much opposition parties will be able to chip away at Ishiba's support as they look to tap into voter discontent. For the auto industry there seems to be no recourse except to return to a well-worn playbook of cost-cutting perfected during Japan's years of stop-start economic growth. No overtime means no extra money for drinking, said Koji Sasaki, the 54-year-old owner of a bar in the town of Fuchu close to Mazda's headquarters, where the automaker's employees usually form the bulk of customers. Their numbers have dropped in recent months, with some regulars apologising for making fewer visits, he said. Drinking in Sasaki's bar on a recent July evening was company veteran Toshiyuki Shimizu, 45, who said Mazda had already cut back on overtime and business travel for employees. "We used to bring junior staff along on business trips, but now I often go alone," said Akira Ichigi, a 32-year-old Mazda colleague, adding that the limits denied junior employees valuable experience acquired on such trips. Mazda has set up a tariff strategy team that was meeting each week in Hiroshima, said one company insider, speaking on condition of anonymity. But Mazda faced constraints in finding ways to tackle the tariffs from a labour shortage in the United States, that kept it from boosting capacity at its sole plant there, operated with Toyota, the source added. Mazda said overtime cuts and a business travel review were part of its drive to cut 100 billion yen in costs. Essential travel continued, but it was evaluating whether accompanying staff were necessary, it said. The company set up a team to monitor tariffs and was working with suppliers and dealers, it said, adding that key to increasing supply to the U.S. market were its efforts to tackle labour shortages and strengthen the supply chain. For now, parts supplier Yamaguchi said he was not considering specific steps to counter the tariffs. "In business, we need to have long-term vision," Yamaguchi said, likening the moment to the COVID-19 pandemic, when his company posted a loss in 2020 but returned to profit the next year by working to boost efficiency rather than cutting costs. "If we don't invest in 2025, we might miss opportunities."
Time of India
32 minutes ago
- Time of India
Before Trump, Indonesia had another trade headache: China
JAKARTA: For more than a decade, Rudi Hendri sold locally made clothes from a stall inside Jakarta's labyrinthine Tanah Abang market. Then three years ago, a businessperson from China and his translator showed up with a proposition and changed everything. They brought samples of sportswear, made in Chinese factories, that were well made and cheaper than the Indonesian-made wares Rudi had always sold. Rudi, 55, felt he couldn't say no. Now he runs three stalls and has a partnership with multiple Chinese factories. Explore courses from Top Institutes in Select a Course Category Finance Others Degree Leadership Technology Digital Marketing Healthcare Public Policy Cybersecurity Management Data Analytics MCA Data Science PGDM CXO others MBA healthcare Data Science Project Management Product Management Operations Management Skills you'll gain: Duration: 9 Months IIM Calcutta SEPO - IIMC CFO India Starts on undefined Get Details "If the product quality is good and the price is right for me, I'll take that," Rudi said last week at Tanah Abang. Nearby, his workers sifted through a mountain of Chinese-made clothes. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Are you ready to conquer a planet? Undo When President Donald Trump complains that trade with China is killing jobs, it resonates in Indonesia. But it is Indonesian jobs that cannot compete: The country has been dealing with China's outsize influence on every aspect of its economy for more than a decade. "The worst-case scenario is not that we can't export," said Redma Gita Wirawasta, chair of the Indonesian Fiber and Filament Yarn Producers Association, referring to Trump's tariffs on Indonesian goods. "The worst-case scenario is that more and more Chinese goods will come to Indonesia." Live Events The garment industry has felt it acutely over the past two years, as China has inundated Indonesian consumers with its clothes and taken over local factories. Ruthless competition from cheap Chinese goods has wiped out local factories and mills. The entire domestic supply chain is being dismantled. By Redma's estimate, 300,000 people have lost their jobs since 2023. At another clothing stall near Rudi's at Tanah Abang, Samuel Lie, 48, counts himself lucky if he can make $4,000 a month these days, less than half of what he used to make. Most of his clients stopped buying from him a few years ago. They tell him that it is cheaper to buy from China. "We can't compete on quality," he said. The pressure has become so severe that Indonesia's last president threatened tariffs of up to 200% on Chinese goods. The current president, Prabowo Subianto, even called for the sinking of ships smuggling in textiles, the majority of them arriving from China. The urgency has coincided with an acceleration of China's exports as its economic growth slows. With consumption at home weak, Chinese factories, fueled by government loans and support, have turned to Southeast Asia because of its proximity and market potential. Indonesia alone has a population of 284 million. The pace of exports from China to Southeast Asia has only picked up since Trump's latest tariffs on Chinese goods, which have effectively shut off China's biggest market: the United States. For months, China's exports to Southeast Asia have surged -- last month by 17.5% from a year earlier. Indonesia's monthly imports of Chinese goods spiked 51% in April, the most recent data. The surge in Chinese exports to the region has animated Trump's ire that China is doing more to reroute its goods through other countries to avoid his new taxes on American importers. Indonesia and the United States agreed this week on a trade deal that places a 19% tariff on Indonesian goods in the United States, or an ever steeper levy if goods were found to be rerouted through Indonesia from a country with a higher tariff rate. But economists said the phenomenon angering Trump, known as transshipment, is not as big a factor in Indonesia as it is in countries like Vietnam. Most of the Chinese goods going into Indonesia are being bought up by Indonesian consumers, said Euben Paracuelles, chief economist for the region at Nomura, the Japanese bank. "This is not a case of goods being shipped to the U.S.," he added. The solution for Indonesia, as it is for many other countries in this part of the world, is not necessarily putting up trade barriers against China. Indonesia has become dependent on China for investment to help build out its infrastructure. It's also the biggest buyer of natural resources like palm oil and coal that drive the Indonesian economy. But China's ability to make cheap goods at enormous scale, aided by generous government subsidies to exporters, has meant that Indonesia is more often the loser when trading with China. Indonesia's economy has become so intertwined with China's that, by one estimate, when China's economy slows by 1 percentage point, it causes a 0.3-percentage-point decrease in Indonesia's economic growth. In the early 2000s, the regional trading bloc the Association of Southeast Asian Nations created a pact with China that required countries to lower their tariffs. Indonesia, which is a member, has lowered nearly all of its barriers to Chinese goods. "This has been the main reason for why China sees ASEAN as a market where they can diversify their exports," Paracuelles said. China helped to build the high-speed train that starts in the heart of Jakarta and barrels east at 200 mph along the verdant countryside to the city of Bandung, where warehouses and stalls have sold fabrics from nearby mills for decades. Known as the Whoosh, its upholstery and signage is identical to the high-speed trains that connect vast swaths of China. In a nearby market on the outskirts of Bandung, salespeople hawk Chinese fabrics, which have largely replaced locally made ones, except for batik, traditional dyed fabric. "We feel it, too, here," said Erik Kurniawan, 25, who took a break from selling the fabrics in his stall on a TikTok livestream. He said that before 2021, the market was focused on selling leftover fabrics from nearby textile factories. Now it sells more fabrics imported from China. Li Jialun, 73, recalled a time starting in the late 1970s when he was running factories in Bandung making jeans to export to the United States. He has retired from manufacturing -- he owns a local Chinese restaurant, Ya Xiu -- but said his friends had shut their factories because they could not compete with China. The effect of those closures ripples through the local economy, costing jobs and hurting businesses that worked for them, said Li, who was born in Jakarta. "Factories don't stand alone; there are suppliers," he said. "Those suppliers are far more numerous. So it affected many people. We can no longer compete with China." Three-quarters of his customers at the Ya Xiu restaurant are Chinese, he said. During the COVID-19 pandemic, when China closed its borders, his restaurant became a gathering point for some of the 3,000 homesick Chinese workers building the Whoosh train who got stuck in Indonesia. More than 200 miles east of Bandung, in the city of Solo, one of the country's biggest textile factories shuttered in March, sending shock waves through the economy. It is still reverberating across Java, Indonesia's most populous and commercially vibrant island. The factory, owned by Sritex, attracted nearby workers and helped many families send their children to school before it collapsed under its debts, putting 10,000 people out of a job. Tumi, 53, started working in the factory's yarn spinning department 30 years ago. She met her husband there. Standing in her living room, where photos of her colleagues are interspersed with family portraits, she gestured. "This was all built with my salary from Sritex," said Tumi, who like many Indonesians goes by one name. She and her friend Sri Lestari, who worked at Sritex for 24 years, teared up when talking about the day in February when management told all the workers that they could go home for the last time. Both women are unsure how to keep paying for tuition for their children still in school. They are making ends meet by operating spicy chicken and coconut stalls outside Tumi's house. But the money is not nearly enough.
