Urgent need for Mali, Mauritania and Senegal to unite against cross-border terrorism

Daily Maverick

5 days ago

The threat of a terrorist blockade of Mali's Kayes and Nioro towns would be disastrous for all three countries.
Western Mali, bordering Mauritania and Senegal, is increasingly a target for terrorist attacks. Given the strategic importance of this area for the three countries' economies and security, strengthened cooperation is essential to curb the growing threat.
On 1 July, the al-Qaeda-affiliated Jama'at Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JNIM) launched seven simultaneous attacks against Malian army positions in Niono, Molodo, Sandaré, Nioro du Sahel, Gogui, Kayes and Diboli.
After suffering significant losses, JNIM threatened to blockade the towns of Kayes and Nioro in retaliation for their residents' alleged support for the army. Beyond immediate security and humanitarian challenges, such a blockade would have disastrous socioeconomic consequences — not only for the towns, but for Senegal and Mauritania, which share this vital cross-border area with Mali.
The Kayes region is Mali's main supply route, hosting numerous industrial and mining operations. Worsening security could disrupt trade with neighbouring countries and harm national economic growth, particularly in the mining sector, which is critical for Mali's balance of payments and tax revenues. Blockades in Kayes and Nioro would also disrupt the Dakar-Bamako and Nouakchott-Bamako trade corridors.
The Dakar-Bamako road is a key trade axis between Mali and Senegal. The Port of Dakar, through which 70% of Mali's imports and exports transit, serves as a natural gateway for this landlocked country.
In 2024, Mali accounted for 20.54% of Senegal's exports, valued at 802.75 billion CFA francs, underscoring the corridor's strategic importance. Goods transported along this road from Senegal to Mali include food and agricultural products, petroleum products and construction materials such as cement.
Similarly, the Nouakchott-Bamako corridor — revitalised after the 2022 trade and economic partnership agreement between Mali and Mauritania — facilitates the movement of goods through the Port of Nouakchott. A reduction of trade along these two corridors would also have social repercussions for all three countries, including job losses in sectors such as transport, logistics and transit.
The intensification of JNIM's activities in the Kayes region could also disrupt gold mining. Gold accounts for 25% of Mali's national budget and 75% of its export revenues. Kayes is Mali's main gold-mining zone, contributing 78% of industrial gold production.
The region also houses the Manantali, Félou and Gouina hydroelectric dams, which supply electricity to Mali, Mauritania, Senegal and Guinea. Any blockade in Kayes would threaten the optimal functioning of these vital facilities.
The recent attacks in Kayes illustrate the complexity of the security challenges confronting Mali and its two neighbours. A multifaceted and coordinated response involving all three countries is now imperative.
Cross-border cooperation mechanism
On the security front, a cross-border cooperation mechanism has existed since 2007. Tripartite meetings between the commanders of Senegal's Tambacounda and Kédougou regions, Mali's Kayes military regions, and Mauritania's Sélibaby region are held periodically to plan joint patrols and share intelligence.
To address the escalating threat, the three countries should strengthen their deployed forces' operational capacity and intelligence sharing. This could include acquiring systems to detect and neutralise spy or kamikaze drones, which pose a significant risk to soldiers, infrastructure and mining companies in the area. Given its proximity and vulnerability to terrorist infiltration, Guinea could be invited to join this cross-border cooperation mechanism.
Security responses must avoid exacerbating existing local conflicts that weaken communities and make them susceptible to exploitation by armed groups. Institute for Security Studies research has shown that terrorists often use intra- and inter-community tensions as leverage to establish a foothold in parts of Central Sahel.
In the Mali-Mauritania-Senegal border area, communities are often organised around caste systems (nobles and descendants of former slaves), which generates tensions over traditional leadership, land access and religious authority. Farmer-herder disputes are often poorly managed by local administrations, increasing the area's vulnerability. Better resolution of these conflicts would strengthen the three states' ability to resist the expansion of armed groups.
Socioeconomic imbalances
The three countries should also address socioeconomic imbalances, which fuel frustrations and provide fertile ground for terrorist recruitment. Despite significant agro-pastoral potential and gold reserves on both sides of the Senegal-Mali border, locals remain poor, with minimal investment in infrastructure, healthcare, education, water and electricity.
Cross-border economic development initiatives targeting the youth and involving Guinea could be explored. These could be carried out through bilateral cooperation or within the framework of the Organisation for the Development of the Senegal River.
Finally, this security and economic cooperation approach should be integrated into ongoing negotiations between the Alliance of Sahel States (Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger) and the Economic Community of West African States. As regional security cooperation fragments, strengthening cross-border mechanisms is essential to weaken terrorist networks and prevent their expansion into neighbouring countries.
Such cooperation could be aligned with revitalising the Nouakchott Process — launched by the African Union in 2013 to enhance collaboration and intelligence sharing among Sahel-Saharan states confronting terrorism and transnational crime. DM