
Partygate investigator Sue Gray joins advisory firm with ex-footballer Gary Neville
Baroness Gray is Sir Keir Starmer's former chief of staff and is best known as the 'partygate' investigator who investigated Boris Johnson's lockdown antics.
She later became Permanent Secretary at the Department of Finance in Stormont.
Consello announced yesterday that Lady Sue had been appointed as Chair of Consello UK.
The former political aide and senior civil servant, who departed Starmer's Downing Street in October, will lead Consello's expansion in the UK and will start immediately.
Former Manchester United player Gary Neville is chairman of Consello Strive UK, which is part of the Consello group of companies, the Daily Telegraph reported.
The company has also hired US National Football League legend Tom Brady, and tennis champion Serena Williams.
Consello Founder, Chairman, and CEO, Declan Kelly said: 'Sue brings unparalleled insight from her decades of leadership in government service. Our entire team, as well as our clients, will benefit from her experience in countless ways.'
Lady Gray said: 'I'm delighted to have the opportunity to join the team at Consello. What Declan and his colleagues have accomplished in building the company to date is very impressive and I look forward to further supporting that growth in the UK and globally.'
In her maiden speech in the House of Lords in March, she joked about her old job in Northern Ireland, running a pub with her Portaferry husband in Newry during the Troubles. She said: 'On joining the Civil Service I was not on a mission to work my way to the top. This was probably best illustrated when I took a career break which has been much commented upon.
'Although the Civil Service encourages its future leaders to get outside experience, running a pub in Newry, County Down, in the late 80s was not on their list.'
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The Guardian
7 hours ago
- The Guardian
Civil service is ‘too remote' from people's lives across UK, says minister
The Whitehall civil service is too remote from people's lives and needs to be 'turned inside out' as part of plans to drive three of Keir Starmer's missions from outside London, a Cabinet Office minister has said. Georgia Gould, a former leader of Camden council who had a meteoric rise after her election as a Labour MP last year, said the government's plan to move thousands more civil service jobs out of London was not about just 'having offices in places' – and Whitehall civil servants needed to be more familiar with the day-to-day problems in frontline services from health centres to family hubs. She said her job was to help close the 'big gap between those doing the frontline operational roles and those who are making policies' by helping them to work together, share data and come up with new ideas about how to improve people's lives – especially those who 'fall through the cracks' of different public services. Gould told the Guardian that Whitehall working would be 'turned inside out', as the Cabinet Office announced Starmer's health mission would be based in Leeds, its opportunity mission in Sheffield and its growth mission in Darlington, with civil servants working with local government and frontline workers to pioneer new approaches. The Cabinet Office announced in May that major Whitehall government buildings were to be shut by ministers as they seek to shed 12,000 civil servant jobs in London, while moving thousands of roles to cities across the UK. It set a target of 50% of all senior civil servants being based outside London within five years, with the aim of policy being made closer to the communities affected. Gould said the speed of change needed to rise, as some regional campuses of civil servants were still too divorced from where their work had an impact. 'I've gone to visit a lot of the hubs and it's great that people are coming from those places and working there, but sometimes they still have their departmental corners and they're not really working any differently with the places that they're situated in,' she said. 'So I think there's a massive opportunity to bring the civil servants together with … communities to design public services from the bottom up, work out what's going on on the frontline and change things.' Gould said her approach to the job of public service reform was informed by her time at Camden, where the council transformed children's services on her watch. 'Camden is really not that far but Whitehall felt very, very far away and it often felt that the kind of experience of the frontline just wasn't taken into account when decisions were being made,' she said. 'There's one way of making policy – doing submissions, thinking about things in a room, about what works best – and there's another way, which is getting alongside those on the frontline, whether that's housing staff or jobcentre staff.' She added: 'They know the problems, they know what doesn't work, and testing new approaches and then scaling them up … I think that is incredibly energising for civil servants to work in that way. They don't always feel like they have permission, they don't know how to start.' Gould said civil servants she had spoken to were excited by her plans but also made clear that 'that's not how we've done things' traditionally. 'It's really a new approach,' she said. 'It is about giving people actively the space to test new approaches and they identify on the frontline barriers that we're creating at the centre.' Gould was elected in Queen's Park and Maida Vale last year and became a minister immediately. She is the daughter of one the architects of New Labour, Philip Gould, and has previously described a childhood out delivering Labour leaflets before she could speak. Her portfolio in the Cabinet Office, under Pat McFadden, spans from public service reform to public sector procurement. Asked about the US 'department for government efficiency' and Reform UK's attempts to emulate it in Britain, Gould said the government was onboard with cutting waste through better procurement, but that innovating based on frontline experience could also save money. 'Everyone takes their own approach, and I think there is absolutely a role for looking at value for money through contracts. Basic efficiency should just be the baseline of doing good government … but I think when we're talking about people-based services, I think we have to design things differently, because often we have people costing millions of pounds who are using multiple services and we're not really supporting them. If we were much more focused on prevention or working with them at an earlier point we'd save a huge amount of money.' She cited her experience working with someone who lacked the confidence to go to job interviews partly because of self-consciousness about his teeth. The human-centred approach that worked to help him had been enabling him to see a dentist. On artificial intelligence, which is being embedded in the civil service as a way of speeding up processes, Gould said she did not see a conflict with a drive to provide human-based services and that AI could cut time spent on paperwork. She said: 'If frontline officers are spending all their time on laborious processes, that is really, really frustrating, so I think they can free up their time so those processes are much easier through AI.'


South Wales Guardian
18 hours ago
- South Wales Guardian
Benn defends collaboration with Irish Government over legacy issues
Mr Benn was responding after Gavin Robinson branded the UK Government minister as 'foolish and hapless' in relation to his handling of efforts to deal with the legacy of the Troubles. Mr Robinson claimed Mr Benn's actions amounted to a 'disgraceful' attempt to 'satisfy the Irish Government'. The Northern Ireland Secretary was asked about the remarks as he attended a meeting of the British Irish Council in Newcastle, Co Down on Friday. 'I make no apology at all for trying to work with the Irish Government, because the lesson, indeed exemplified by the Good Friday Agreement, is we make most progress when we work together,' he said. 'And that is what I'm determined to do in the interests of truth and reconciliation and, finally, giving answers to families who have suffered so much.' Mr Robinson's hard-hitting statement on Friday morning came amid mounting expectation that the two governments will soon set out an agreed framework for addressing legacy issues related to the Northern Ireland conflict. Also responding to the DUP leader's criticism, Irish premier Micheal Martin and deputy premier Simon Harris both moved to defend Mr Benn as they praised his efforts to work with their Government to try to resolve outstanding issues around unsolved murder cases and families who continue to seek truth and justice for lost loved ones. They also rejected Mr Robinson's assertion that the Dublin government has adopted a 'scandalous approach to legacy' in failing to rigorously investigate and provide answers on atrocities with a cross-border dimension. The DUP leader made his statement after Mr Benn announced the appointment of a chair to lead a public inquiry into the 1989 loyalist murder of Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane. Mr Robinson believes the Finucane case is indicative of a government approach that sees the 'distasteful elevation' of some high-profile cases while countless other victims still await answers with no prospect of public inquiries. The DUP leader claimed 'Hapless Hilary' was pursing this stance while continuing to keep private any details on what he was negotiating with the Irish Government. 'The Irish Government have knowledge of and influence upon UK legacy plans, yet Northern Ireland victims, veterans and Parliamentarians are kept in the dark by the Secretary of State without so much as a blush on his face,' he said. 'Not for the first time, he advances a one-sided, partisan approach to the politics of Northern Ireland.' Since taking office last year, the Labour Government has pledged to repeal and replace some of the provisions of the contentious Legacy Act that was introduced by the last Conservative government, and bring forward a revised framework for dealing with cases linked to the Troubles. The Irish Government has been involved in the process, and political leaders in Dublin have said intensive engagement is ongoing to see if a 'landing zone' can be arrived at. The Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act 2023 halted scores of civil cases and inquests into Troubles deaths and also offered conditional immunity to perpetrators of conflict-related crimes in exchange for their co-operation with a new investigatory and truth recovery body. The Act was opposed by all the main political parties in Northern Ireland, the Irish government and many victims' representative groups. In 2023, the Irish government initiated an interstate legal case against the UK in the European Court of Human Rights, claiming the Legacy Act breached the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). The case remains active, with ministers in Dublin wanting to see how Labour resolves its concerns over the legislation before any decision is taken to withdraw the action. Mr Benn told reporters in Newcastle that it was incumbent on all political leaders to finally secure agreement on legacy. 'Legacy is the unfinished business of the Good Friday Agreement,' he said. 'It was the issue which the Good Friday Agreement, which achieved so much, was unable to take forward. 'And I would simply say we, all of us, as politicians, as leaders, have a responsibility to try and find a way forward so that we can bring truth and justice for everyone, in particular for the families who, after decades, are still waiting for answers as to what happened to their loved ones when they were murdered.' At the press conference after the BIC, Mr Martin made a point of backing Mr Benn's stance. 'I firstly want to pay tribute to the Secretary of State for his honesty, his determination in the way he has pursued this issue of legacy, and indeed many other issues since he became Secretary of State,' he said. 'And we have welcomed his very open and determined approach. I would never question his bona fides in doing the very best for the people of Northern Ireland, and in terms of ensuring a very strong relationship between British and Irish Governments.' Mr Harris, who also attended the BIC summit, said the Governments were 'close to a way forward on legacy'. The Tanaiste added: 'And what I would say to Gavin, respectfully, and I said this to him when I met him, the country that I represent will play our part as well in relation to legacy, and we've shown that already on a number of occasions, and we will absolutely in any legacy framework want to make sure that all victims, all families, regardless of where on the island of Ireland an atrocity occurs, can get answers, can get truth, and can, of course, get justice where possible.' DUP deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly echoed the sentiments expressed by her party leader as she answered questions on the controversy following the BIC. 'I think there's a lot to be critical about in terms of the approach to legacy by the Secretary of State,' she said. Ms Little-Pengelly said many of the issues Mr Benn was considering related to matters that were devolved to Stormont. She added: 'For our part, we are absolutely clear that all victims should get access to justice. All victims should feel very clearly in our system that their loved ones mattered equally. 'Unfortunately, we've had a number of announcements on part of legacy, but not on the rest, and that leaves many victims and survivors concerned about what's happening in relation to that.'


The Guardian
19 hours ago
- The Guardian
The Guardian view on riots in Northern Ireland: racist violence does not express ‘legitimate grievance'
A reputation for political violence is one reason Northern Ireland has historically attracted fewer immigrants than the rest of the UK. In that context, increasing diversity could be read as a measure of progress; a peace dividend after the Troubles. That isn't how it has felt to families cowering in fear of racist mobs this week. The riots started in Ballymena, ostensibly triggered by the arrest of two boys, reported to be of Romanian origin, accused of sexually assaulting a teenage girl. A community vigil mutated into a racist rampage. Masked thugs targeted the local migrant population. When police came to quell the pogrom, officers were attacked with bricks, fireworks, petrol bombs. There was contagion. Windows were smashed and a fire started at a leisure centre in nearby Larne that had been used as a temporary refuge for those fleeing the Ballymena violence. There were outbreaks of disorder in other towns. Leaders from across Northern Ireland's political spectrum have condemned the violence. But on the unionist side in particular, there has also been much leavening of opprobrium with reference to 'legitimate' underlying grievances. Judiciously expressed, the complaint is that migration has been poorly managed, putting a strain on local services. In its more pungent iteration, it is the insinuation that new arrivals get preferential treatment, especially regarding housing. On the street, that degenerates into a miasma of hatred – a generalised accusation of parasitism and criminality imported by the foreigners. Rumour and disinformation, propagated online, accelerates collective movement through the gears from inchoate frustration to vigilante rampage. Northern Ireland is the least diverse part of the UK. Immigrants make up about 3.4% of the population, compared with 18.3% in England and Wales, and 12.9% in Scotland. But that comparison belies relatively rapid and concentrated demographic change in places such as Ballymena. And while sectarian violence is no longer endemic, the Troubles cast a shadow of intercommunal suspicion that makes it harder for outsiders to integrate. There is also a developed infrastructure of far-right extremism that evolved through close ties to loyalist paramilitaries. Those are distinct Northern Irish inflections on a problem that is far from unique to the region. The escalation from a single spark to a conflagration of violent bigotry is grimly familiar from the rioting that erupted across the UK last summer. Then it was the murder of three young girls in Southport that became the pretext for a malevolent carnival of xenophobic rage. Then, too, it was possible to excavate a kernel of socioeconomic grievance from the ashes. It is always worth tracking the underlying forces that lead to public disorder. But that analysis can also be used to sanitise and normalise the kind of political rhetoric that makes scapegoats of migrants and inflames the grievances it purports to address. There is no justifiable pathway from a complaint about inadequate public service provision and fear of crime to terrorising innocent people, destroying public amenities and attacking the police. There are places across the UK where deprivation and social alienation, simmering for years, can be mobilised as racist violence. There is a line between acknowledging the social conditions that make such a danger possible and narrating those conditions in ways that make violence more likely. The boundary is not hard to see, which brings all the more shame on the politicians who routinely cross it.