Wisconsin housing crisis fueled by the Thurmond Amendment. Repeal this relic.
Chief among these relics is the Thurmond Amendment, a draconian policy that enforces a lifetime of punishment by denying Fair Housing protections to individuals convicted of drug distribution, no matter how much time has passed or how much they've rebuilt their lives.
Imagine making a mistake as a young adult and getting mixed up with drugs. After serving your sentence, maturing, and working hard to rebuild your life, you're ready to start fresh. Only to discover years later that a single conviction legally locks you out of housing opportunities indefinitely. Some landlords won't return your calls. Others deny your application outright, regardless of your income, credit score, or rental history.
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This is the reality for over 50,000 Wisconsinites living under the shadow of the Thurmond Amendment. These individuals and their families often face a lifetime sentence for low-level offenses involving small quantities of drugs.
Take the case of Stacey Smiter, a Wisconsin resident convicted of marijuana distribution. For years, Stacey faced rejection in the housing market or was forced to pay exorbitant security deposits solely because of his record. His punishment didn't end with his sentence — it extended into every corner of his life as he struggled to secure stable housing for his family.
Ironically, had Stacey been convicted of a violent crime, he would not face this legal barrier.
In 2016, the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) issued guidance requiring landlords to consider criminal records in the context of other factors, such as rental, credit, and employment history. However, the Thurmond Amendment excludes drug distribution convictions from these protections, creating a loophole that leaves individuals like Stacey permanently locked out of fair housing opportunities.
The impact of the Thurmond Amendment in Wisconsin is staggering. Since its enactment in 1988, over 50,000 people in the state have been convicted of drug distribution offenses, many involving minor amounts of drugs. Eleven percent of all drug convictions in Wisconsin are for marijuana, and 81% of cocaine convictions involve small amounts tied to personal use. Many of these individuals, had they been charged in today's political environment, would have faced simple possession charges and retained their Fair Housing protections.
The law's effects are also deeply inequitable. Black Wisconsinites are 12 times more likely than white residents to receive a drug distribution conviction. For amounts as small as three grams or less, that disparity rises to 15 times. By denying stable housing, the Thurmond Amendment perpetuates cycles of poverty, recidivism, and family instability — all while offering no measurable benefit to public safety.
Housing is the foundation of stability and opportunity. In today's historically tight housing market, denying families protections based on decades-old convictions—while ignoring standard measures of risk like credit score or rental history — isn't just bad policy. It's an unjustified barrier to economic mobility that harms individuals, families, and communities alike.
Thankfully, there's reason for optimism.
Reforming this issue has strong support from industry leaders such as the Rental Apartment Association of Wisconsin and Wisconsin Realtors. Both groups have endorsed repealing the Thurmond Amendment, recognizing that the law harms individuals who have paid their debt to society without benefiting the housing market. As the Rental Apartment Association noted:
"Good renters deserve options in the rental market that align with their family's needs and wants. If a tenant qualifies for an apartment based on income, rental, and credit history, they should not be denied housing simply because of a conviction from decades ago."
Repealing the Thurmond Amendment would also align with bipartisan efforts like the First Step Act, signed by President Donald Trump in 2018, and the Fair Chance Act, co-sponsored by Wisconsin Senator Ron Johnson.
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Policies that show reforming punitive laws can promote second chances without compromising community safety.
Now is the time for Wisconsin legislators on Capitol Hill to act. By removing this unnecessary and discriminatory barrier, we can ensure that people like Stacey Smiter are judged not by their past mistakes but by their current record of responsibility. Stable housing is not just essential for individuals—it strengthens families, supports economic growth, and builds stronger communities for all Wisconsinites.
Shannon Ross is the CEO of The Community and Co-founder of Paradigm Shyft. Yusuf Dahl is the CEO of the Century Promise, the past president of the Rental Property Association of Wisconsin and is currently leading the national effort to repeal the Thurmond Amendment
This article originally appeared on Milwaukee Journal Sentinel: Decades old convictions prevent many from securing housing | Opinion
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Had Israel done that, many of the war's major achievements – which have reshaped the Middle East – would not have happened: from the decimation of Hamas's leadership, to the crippling of Hezbollah, to the fall of Syria's Bashar al-Assad, to the degradation of Iran's nuclear and missile capabilities. 'We were very busy. Seven fronts, many great successes, a historic success over Iran. But that's it, now you need to finish it, not to delay, not to get lost, not to wait,' he said. 'You need to finish it. That will help us in the hasbara [public diplomacy] war, because every day it continues that harms us. Shorten the time.' Here lies the irony: the very steps Netanyahu says are needed to finish the war – military operations in Gaza City and the central refugee camps – are the exact steps that will almost certainly deepen Israel's isolation. The German embargo was triggered precisely by the decision to go ahead with those moves. Netanyahu, however, signaled his belief that once the war ends, 'the wave will pass.' Will victory in Gaza wash away Israel's diplomatic stains? THE PRIME MINISTER attributes much of Israel's diplomatic trouble to a hostile international media. 'The international press,' he told foreign correspondents in Jerusalem, 'has bought hook, line, and sinker Hamas's statistics, Hamas claims, Hamas forgeries, and Hamas photographs' of starving Gazan children. Of Chancellor Merz, Netanyahu said he is 'a good friend of Israel' but one who 'buckled under the pressure of false TV reports' and 'various groups' inside Germany. Some, Netanyahu lamented, have chosen to forget October 7. 'We will not forget what happened. And we will do whatever it takes to defend our country and defend our people, defend our future. We will win the war with or without the support of others.' In other words, the isolation is bad, the closing-in on pariah state status is uncomfortable, but the price for destroying Hamas is one Israel must be prepared to pay to ensure its security and its future. 'Nobody told the Allies in World War II not to go into Berlin and finish off the German Army. That's what people are telling us to do, and I'm not going to do it,' the prime minister said. 'So we're going to do what we need to do. And I hope that Chancellor Merz changes his policy. And you know when he'll change his policy for sure? When we win.' Netanyahu often touts Israel's achievements on the seven fronts it has fought since October 7. But he has also conceded that on the eighth front – the information war – Israel is losing, and this loss is feeding the country's isolation. 'I think there are vast forces that are arrayed against us; among other things, the algorithms of the social networks that are driving a lot of everything else. And people who really know, and they're the foremost people in this field in the world – they're telling me that about 60% of the responses on social media are bots.' All of this, Netanyahu said, exerts more influence than the media itself – shaping both media coverage and political leaders. 'It is completely clear that we will have to enter the digital era – to address the issue of algorithms, bots, and other means.' He recounted conversations with European leaders – some of them personal friends – who told him, 'We know the facts but cannot withstand our public opinion and the media.' Netanyahu said that his reply is that if they cannot withstand that pressure, they should not be leaders. 'We are not going to commit suicide because of your difficulties standing up to a hostile press and radical minorities, Islamists who are pressuring you.' For Netanyahu, the calculation is now straightforward: win the war quickly, and the rest will sort itself out. He believes that eradicating Hamas will ultimately weaken the drivers of Israel's isolation, even if the short-term costs are high. From his perspective, the problem is one of time horizons. The critics are operating on what he sees as a narrow field of vision – reacting to today's headlines – while he is looking at what the region might look like five or 10 years from now after Hamas is gone, Hezbollah is weakened, and Iran's nuclear ambitions are set back. In that longer view, temporary isolation is the price of strategic transformation. The challenge, as Trump warned and as Netanyahu now seems to acknowledge, is that the longer the war goes on, the harder it becomes to reverse the perception of Israel as a global outcast. This is why he now wants to end it quickly with a final push into Hamas's last strongholds. Ending the war may not end the criticism, but it will at least take away much of the fuel that keeps it burning. In Netanyahu's mind, victory will wash away the diplomatic stains. The problem is that to win, he must take the very steps that will deepen those stains – at least in the short term. Solve the daily Crossword
