Democratic Rep.: To Safeguard America's Future, We Need To Safeguard Taiwan's
Did you know that most Americans can't find Taiwan on a map? That may sound like a joke, but unfortunately, it's not. A 2022 Morning Consult poll found that only 34 percent of Americans could correctly identify Taiwan's location. Some even thought it was in the Arctic Circle.
Taiwan may not be top of mind for most Americans, but it should be—because the future of our prosperity, our security, and our democratic values is deeply tied to the future of Taiwan.
The contrast between both sides of the Taiwan Strait, between Taiwan and the People's Republic of China (PRC), is a stark one. Taiwan is a vibrant and free democracy. On the other side of the Taiwan Strait, in contrast, Xi Jinping wields supreme power over all matters of state. Taiwan is governed by the will of the people; the PRC is governed by the will of one man.
A Taiwan flag is seen at a harbor in Keelung on April 1, 2025.
A Taiwan flag is seen at a harbor in Keelung on April 1, 2025.
I-HWA CHENG/AFP via Getty Images
But Taiwan is more than just a beacon of freedom—it's one of America's most important economic partners. In fact, it's our seventh-largest trading partner and a critical customer for American farmers. Taiwan is the No. 2 importer of Illinois corn and No. 3 importer of Illinois soybeans. On a per capita basis, Taiwan buys 47 times more wheat than China. And Taiwanese companies like TSMC are investing billions to build advanced semiconductor fabs right here in the U.S.—securing our tech future and creating American jobs.
This is not charity. It's strategic partnership. Taiwan supports American jobs. Taiwanese investment strengthens our supply chains. And Taiwan's democracy serves as a counterweight to the rising authoritarianism of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
But that partnership is under threat. Xi has ordered the People's Liberation Army (PLA) to be ready to invade Taiwan by 2027. PLA warplanes violated Taiwan's airspace more than 3,000 times last year. In response to Taiwan's elections, the PLA staged military drills simulating a blockade and missile strikes. Any conflict over Taiwan is incredibly dangerous. A war over Taiwan could wipe $10 trillion off global GDP and plunge the U.S. into a deep depression.
So what do we do? We must stand with Taiwan. Not to provoke conflict, but to deter it. Peace across the Taiwan Strait is not just a regional concern; it's an American interest.
The Select Committee on the Strategic Competition Between the U.S. and the CCP recently held a hearing titled "Deterrence Amid Rising Tensions: Preventing CCP Aggression on Taiwan." We heard from former Deputy Secretary of State Kurt Campbell, who reminded us that Taiwan is not just important—it's indispensable. Taiwan produces more than 90 percent of the world's most advanced semiconductors, supports American farmers, and acts as an international example of freedom and democracy.
Campbell also emphasized that Taiwan's fate is being closely watched by our allies—from Japan and South Korea to our NATO allies. If authoritarianism triumphs in Taiwan, it could embolden aggression elsewhere. We see this clearly with China's enabling and support of Russia in its deadly war in Ukraine. Supporting Taiwan, Campbell argued, is not just good policy—it's a global credibility test for the United States.
The military balance in the Taiwan Strait has shifted. The PLA now fields a force that vastly outnumbers Taiwan's—and it continues to rehearse amphibious invasions, missile strikes, and blockades. But Taiwan still holds advantages: geography, a strong civil society, and—most importantly—deepening ties with the United States and our allies.
That's why we need to act now. The U.S. should expedite arms deliveries to Taiwan, especially asymmetric defenses like sea mines, anti-ship missiles, and drones. We should strengthen Taiwan's food and energy reserves, boost military and disaster relief training programs, and deepen economic ties—especially in agriculture, energy, and tech.
The Taiwan Relations Act, passed in 1979, declared that peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait are in America's interest—and that any attempt to determine Taiwan's future by force is "of grave concern" to the United States. That bipartisan law still guides us today and inspires new legislation like the Six Assurances to Taiwan Act and Taiwan Allies Fund Act, which I'm proud to lead in Congress.
We are in a decisive moment. The Select Committee's hearing made clear that deterrence is only credible if it's bipartisan, sustained, and backed by real investment. That's why I'm working with colleagues on both sides of the aisle to ensure the U.S. is prepared—not for a war, but to prevent one.
In a world growing more dangerous by the day, Taiwan remains one of our best friends. It's time we treated it that way.
Representative Raja Krishnamoorthi serves as ranking member of the House Select Committee on the Strategic Competition Between the U.S. and the Chinese Communist Party and represents Illinois' 8th Congressional District.
The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.
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China, which controls 90% of the global processing of rare earths, imposed export restrictions on some minerals and magnets on April 4 at the height of the tariff war, after Trump slapped 'reciprocal' levies on Chinese goods. The new system does not ban exports outright, but requires government approval for each shipment. Chinese scholars who advise the government suggested on Thursday that Beijing is not ready to give up the powerful leverage bestowed by its dominance on the rare earth supply chain – and may seek to use it to get Washington to ease its own export controls aimed at blocking China's access to advanced US semiconductors and technologies. While American businesses are likely to see more shipments approved in the next couple of weeks, the export licensing regime is here to stay, said Wu Xinbo, director of the Center for American Studies at Fudan University in Shanghai. He noted that, according to official rules set by China's Commerce Ministry, applications for export licenses can take up to 45 working days to be approved. 'In principle, I can agree to export to you, but I can speed things up or slow them down. In reality, on a technical level, it also depends on the overall bilateral trade and economic atmosphere,' he said. 'If the bilateral relationship is good, then I'll go a bit faster; if not, I'll slow down. But you can't say I'm violating the agreement – I'm still following the standard procedures.' Some Chinese suppliers of US companies have recently received six-month export licenses, the American Chamber of Commerce in China said Friday, but it noted that uncertainty remains amid a large backlog of license applications. Jin Canrong, a professor of international relations at Renmin University in Beijing, said the importance Trump attaches to rare earths shows how effective China's 'rare earth card' is. 'I hadn't realized just how important this rare earth card was before. Now the US side is clearly anxious and eager to resolve this issue,' he said in a video on social media on Thursday. 'But of course, we'll link this issue to others – the US is restricting China on chips and jet engines, then China certainly has every reason to make use of this card.' 'As for whether China will change its rare earth export control policy, that probably still needs to be negotiated in more detail' Jin added. Some Chinese scholars have expressed hope that US technology restrictions on China may now be up for negotiation, after Trump announced that Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick – whose department overseas US export controls – will join Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and Trade Representative Jamieson Greer in the next round of trade talks. 'The issue of US export controls may no longer be an area that is completely non-negotiable in the future,' Cui Fan, an economics professor at the University of International Business and Economics in Beijing and advisor to the Chinese Commerce Ministry, wrote in a social media post. Beijing has insisted that its export controls are in line with international practices, non-discriminatory and not targeted at any specific country. Hours before the two leaders jumped on the phone on Thursday, a spokesperson for China's commerce ministry reiterated that stance at a regular news conference, citing the 'clear dual-use attributes' of rare earth materials. Dual-use items refer to those with both civilian and military applications. 'The Chinese government reviews export license applications for dual-use items in accordance with laws and regulations, and for applications that meet the requirements, China will grant approval to promote and facilitate compliant trade,' spokesperson He Yongqian said. The strict licensing system has significantly disrupted the global supplies of these materials and triggered production turmoil across industries in America and Europe, raising alarms among officials and businesses alike. A survey of member companies conducted by the American Chamber of Commerce in China late week found that, among those affected by rare earth export controls, 75% say their stock would run out within three months. CNN's Kit Maher contributed to reporting.
