Swazi Tshabalala for AfDB president: a proven leader for a defining African moment
At a time when Africa's development trajectory is at once urgent and uncertain, the African Development Bank (AfDB) stands not merely as a financier but as a standard bearer for continental ambition.
What it needs now is not just a competent manager of funds, but a leader who understands the weight of the moment, someone whose voice carries both technical authority and moral clarity. Swazi Tshabalala is that leader.
Her candidacy for president of the AfDB should not be viewed as symbolic or tokenistic. It is, in fact, a pragmatic, necessary step towards aligning the institution with the Africa it serves; a dynamic, diverse and increasingly self-determined continent.
Pan-African credentials with global clout
Those who understand the inner workings of multilateral finance know Tshabalala as a seasoned, strategic and steady presence. She has occupied some of the most complex spaces in global finance, and walked the corridors of power in Washington and Addis Ababa, including as deputy executive director at the International Monetary Fund, where she represented 23 African nations.
Tshabalala is respected across regional and ideological lines, in francophone and anglophone blocs alike, because she listens, learns and leads effectively
Her leadership has shifted conversations at the G20, the UN and AU, not because she spoke the loudest, but because she always made the most sense. Her tenure at the AfDB itself, where she served as vice-president for finance and CFO , gives her an insider's understanding of what the bank does well — and what it must do better. Under Tshabalala's leadership as CFO, the AfDB was recognised as the 'Best Multilateral Development Bank' in 2021 by Global Finance due to her leadership, strategic vision and commitment to financial excellence.
Technocratic depth, transformational vision and results
Tshabalala doesn't wear her resume like a medal. She wears it like armour. Behind the enviable qualifications is a woman who has spent her life making sure development means something more than graphs and reports. Her policy expertise spans fiscal reform, climate finance, gender-responsive budgeting and debt restructuring. But she has also sat with ministers facing fiscal collapse, civil servants stretched thin by global multilateral institutions' conditions and grassroots women's groups demanding to be seen in national budgets. She doesn't just speak about inclusive growth — she has structured it, defended it and delivered it.
A unifier in a polarised world
Africa doesn't need another technocrat who speaks in acronyms or a populist who speaks in platitudes. What it needs is someone who understands that diplomacy is not the opposite of principle. Tshabalala is respected across regional and ideological lines, in francophone and anglophone blocs alike, because she listens, learns and leads effectively.
In a fragmented geopolitical moment, her candidacy offers something rare: the promise of coherence without compromise, of pragmatic pan-Africanism with precision.
The moment meets the candidate
This is no ordinary election. The AfDB presidency is one of the most consequential African leadership posts outside government. The stakes — climate resilience, infrastructure gaps, youth unemployment, food insecurity and the digital divide are real, immediate and urgent. They are African. And they require a president who knows that development is not just about money — it's about taking action.
Tshabalala understands that. She understands that Africa doesn't just need loans. It needs leverage — and leadership that commands respect, not just requests support.
A mandate for the future
In backing Tshabalala, Africa would be making a bold and necessary choice — not just to break tradition, but to reset it. It would be choosing substance over spectacle, integrity over influence and a voice that speaks not just for Africa but from it.
When the 54 member AfDB board of governors meet to make a decision for the next president, Tshabalala's name is the only one that makes sense. She does not seek the presidency of the AfDB to decorate her legacy. She seeks it to shape Africa's. And that, frankly, is exactly what the institution and the continent needs right now: a bold reformer, inclusive leader and pragmatic visionary who understands the continent's developmental urgency, can mobilise large-scale finance, unlock private sector participation, champion regional integration and deliver infrastructure that transforms economies and lives.
Africa — and the AfDB — need Swazi Tshabalala urgently.
• Thebe Ikalafeng is a global African thought leader and founder and chair of Brand Africa. He's been to every country in Africa and is the best selling author of The Traveler — Crossing Borders and Connecting Africa
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

IOL News
33 minutes ago
- IOL News
Clash of Cultures: The Controversy Over Virginity Testing in KwaZulu-Natal
KZN Social Development MEC Mbali Shinga (left) and RCL chairperson Thoko Mkwanazi-Xaluva discussed virginity testing in their recent meeting. Image: Supplied A NEW decree on virginity testing is shaping to be an almighty clash between between culture and the Constitution. The opponents will be Zulu culturists who are set to challenge the government's prescription, via the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities (CRL), that now prevents virginity testing of young girls in KwaZulu-Natal the practice below age 16. With the annual Reed Dance ceremony months away, a massive and long standing tradition in the province, the new directive has added to the angst of cultural heads. The commission's chairperson Thoko Mkhwanazi-Xaluva met Social Development MEC Mbali Shinga last week and directed that the testing of maidens below 16 was illegal and should be stopped. But culturists have dug in their heels and vowed to defy the directive. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading Dr Nomagugu Ngobese, the founder of Nombukhubulwane Institute, a cultural body advocating for the preservation of African cultural practice was adamant that the practice will continue and will not be stopped. Ngobese said the practice has helped to reduce sexual violence against children as the organisation conducts tests randomly. She said even perpetrators were scared to rape girl children who were being tested because they realised that testers would become aware that a child had been abused, and that the practice had helped to reduce cases where young girls had been repeatedly raped and could not report this due to fear. 'We will not stop our practice and no one will dictate to us how we raise our kids. We are doing this in the best interest of our kids, the same interest the government claims to uphold. Where is the harm in the practice? A rapist knows no age,' said Ngobese. Furthermore, she accused the government of promoting sexual grooming of children by supplying condoms to schools. She also questioned the government's decision in allowing 12-year-olds to conduct an abortion of a pregnancy if those girls are too young for virginity testing. In the meeting between Mkhwanazi-Xaluva and Shinga, Mkhwanazi-Xaluva raised specific concerns about child protection gaps in religious settings and cultural practices, such as virginity testing. She said unlike schools, where staff were thoroughly vetted and screened, many religious spaces lack such safeguards, thus leaving children vulnerable. Mkhwanazi-Xaluva said her commission's constitutional mandate was to protect and promote the rights of cultural, religious, and linguistic communities while strengthening democracy and called on the provincial government to work together to ensure that children were protected from abuse and exploitation in all environments. 'Legislation clearly states that virginity testing may only be conducted on girls over the age of 16 who have provided informed consent. Test results must remain confidential, and marking girls on their foreheads is illegal," said Mkhwanazi-Xaluva Shinga also acknowledged the growing concern around gender-based violence, religious exploitation, and lack of accountability in certain faith-based institutions. She noted that partnerships such as these were essential for crafting effective, long-term strategies to protect vulnerable communities. 'We remain steadfast in our commitment to upholding the rights of children and promoting their safety, as enshrined in our Constitution,' she concluded. The commission's visit to the province came at time when mass virginity testing is set to start in preparation for the annual Reed Dance ceremony which is presided over by Zulu King Misizulu kaZwelithini. All maidens who attend the ceremony have to be tested before they are allowed to present their reeds to the king. DAILY NEWS


Daily Maverick
2 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Same same — how State Capture has become SA's greatest export
As Trump wipes away American history and redoubles down on thought crimes, he'd be horrified to know that the ANC has done it better, which is to say worse. Of all the ANC's masterstrokes — and believe it or not, there have been a few — the capture (and subsequent erasure) of history is perhaps its most successful. Without a past, there is no future — just an eternal now, a limbo that represents political stasis. And as dynamic as South Africa may seem if you have your nose jammed in the news, this is indeed a country of stasis, a country where new ideas and genuine transformation die before they are born. Because the ANC has captured history — it is, after all, the 'liberation party', and that's all there is to know — there is no point in revising history, because it's meant to be forgotten. Take the Zondo Commission. Remember that billion-rand boondoggle? Four volumes stuffed with the nightmare legacy of Zuma era corruption, and the results? Not much. The complaints are simple: all of that taxpayer money blown, and not a single meaningful prosecution. But that is to miss the point. As the political commentator and playwright Richard Calland has noted, 'State Capture was something that was really significant. And yet there was a real danger that we moved on too fast from it, and the lessons were not learned, were not digested. And then all the work that was done to defend democracy was kind of wasted. And it was a huge effort to protect the institutions and the rule of law. And I think, although full accountability hasn't happened yet, that it was a significant effort to defend public democracy from private State Capture.' And yet, the Zondo Commission Report should be required reading — the first thing placed in the hands of a kid hitting Grade Zero, in picture-book form. This, after all, is the story of how the world is hijacked. It's an epic, a fairytale, a parable. It's also universally applicable, at least as far as democracies are concerned. The Zondo Commission tells a linear story: how a state is captured, and corruption formalised, by a norm-breaking executive and its private sector enablers. President Jacob Zuma, who was manifestly and obviously a thief, became a viable candidate to replace the establishment figure Thabo Mbeki because he wasn't Thabo Mbeki. His shortcomings were overlooked because it was time for change. The change he offered — a populist spin on African nationalism — was the only thing that would keep the ANC, and therefore the country, from imploding. Or so we were told. In educational and intellectual terms, Zuma was not a Harvard University business school graduate. But he was at least as unethical and rapacious as one. A spy by (forced) vocation, he employed his louche paranoia as a tool against his enemies. He effortlessly subverted the State Security Agency, using it as a money funnel and a battering ram to enrich his cronies and undermine his enemies. His benefactors were brought into the fold to act as middlemen in the flow of funds from the state to state-owned enterprises and their private sector contractees. Then, Zuma went for the National Prosecuting Authority, and followed that up with attacks on other law enforcement agencies — a very simple procedure, given that the executive has the final say over who runs these institutions. He made foolish choices to head the Public Protector's office and the Constitutional Court, but they were his choices to make. By doing this, he signalled that it was open season for corruption, and that shame no longer had a role to play in moderating political behaviour in South Africa. There are other forebears of the 21st-century style of kleptocratic state vandalism. They include Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel, Viktor Orbán in Hungary and, of course, the OG, Vladimir Putin in Russia. But no other country has 4,000 pages of testimony breaking down exactly how the system works. In this, the Zondo Commission Report is perhaps the most important piece of political literature written in the past 25 years. And outside of Ferial Haffajee, how many South Africans, let alone foreign political observers or analysts, have read the whole thing? From a certain perspective, Zondo is a blueprint for how an empowered and unembarrassable executive performs a coup on his or her own country. There are clues in Zondo for how the 21st century has gone so horribly wrong, and hints at how to fix it. *** If liberal Americans knew what they were doing — and they don't — they'd see South Africa as a bellwether, as a warning. This isn't a Zuma equals Trump comparative thing — this goes far beyond individual personalities. Instead, they'd understand how corruption becomes entrenched — how it underpins, and then entirely supplants, ideology. As in South Africa, in the United States, special interests long ago hijacked anything resembling a functioning democracy. Here, the Guptas were avatars for private parasites latching on to the state and leeching it dry. In the US, corruption was driven through the Supreme Court, which has proved almost gleefully amenable. The biggest moment was the Citizens United ruling in 2008, which effectively allowed unlimited corporate spending in election campaigns. From there, it's been relatively smooth sailing. In recent years, while much of the focus was on the repeal of Roe v Wade and the end of female bodily autonomy, Trump's Supreme Court has done two things. First, it's allowed the executive almost monarchical power. And second, it's made bribery — or, rather, 'gratuities' — legal. You don't have to be a genius to see how this leads to a culture of extreme corruption, and it has. The end of Joe Biden's disastrous term led to a slew of pre-pardons of family members, which slithered into Trump 2 and the Zuma-like strip-down of the state. Congress, ostensibly a lawmaking body, stares on gape-mouthed as Trump rewrites the American order in the Oval Office. The lower courts have held up what might be considered the rule of law, but at this point it's largely vestigial. Trump is so empowered that he's now very literally rewarding corruption. Take the case of Paul Walczak, a medical executive and tax cheat who made an application for a full pardon, which Trump ignored. Until Walczak's mother showed up at a million-dollar-a-plate fundraising dinner, where she hobnobbed with the Republican glitterati and scored her son a get-out-of-jail-free card. It's pay to play, and there's no longer anything ambiguous about it. *** Zuma's genius, as with Trump and his minions, is to make graft ideological. The infamous Bell Pottinger misinformation campaign, which reintroduced White Monopoly Capital into the South African parlance, situated corruption and anti-constitutionalism as a transformation project — as a means to empower the previously unempowered. In essence, this was a 'screw the elite' project, which conveniently ignored the facts of power distribution in South Africa, while exploiting the very real economic disparities. Likewise, the Trump ideology comes down to little more than Fuck The Libs. This is a deplorable uprising, the upending of snooty Harvard/Yale/Columbia shitlibs (which again ignores the specifics of who is currently in power in the US). This is emotion as ideology, a vacuous project of rage-baiting driven by the neo-Bell Pottingers on the likes of Elon Musk's X. 'So loud and quiet at once, ideology becomes a substitute for mood,' wrote the novelist Joshua Cohen. And the mood in the US is dark and rebarbative. The capture of the state by special interests — by the billionaire class and the corporations who will exclusively benefit from the revolution under way — is misinterpreted as fascism. But this is silly. The performance of authoritarianism is secondary to the flood-the-zone-with-sewage approach to governance, which hides the formalisation of corruption. No one bothered to call Zuma a fascist — it simply didn't matter. He worked for his family and his friends and benefactors, and no one else. It was a simpler time. It should hopefully be obvious that rebuilding a functioning state in the wake of State Capture is nearly impossible. The centralisation of corruption under Big Men like Zuma (and Trump) inevitably gives way to a violent contestation when they leave office. This fragmentation is lethal and destabilising, and it breeds nostalgia for the good old days of the God King. Which is where South Africa finds itself now. As Trump wipes away American history and redoubles down on thought crimes, he'd be horrified to know that the ANC has done it better, which is to say worse. The rest of the world should take note: it's not fun digging out from under ideology-as-mood. Very little is left to build with. But it always pays to remember that State Capture is an elite project, prosecuted from the top, that benefits the wealthy and powerful. The rest of us are just suckers and cannon fodder. DM


eNCA
14 hours ago
- eNCA
Istanbul's 'suitcase trade' stalls as African merchants face crackdown
Porters roam the narrow streets of Laleli in central Istanbul carrying parcels ready for shipment to customers all over the world. The maze of alleys that lead down to the Sea of Marmara have long been the centre of the "suitcase trade" to sub-Saharan Africa, a route through which merchants carry goods back and forth in their baggage. But Laleli's informal shipping scene, once a bustling hub of cross-continental trade, is now facing growing pressure from rising costs and tougher residency rules imposed by Turkish authorities. African traders, who helped drive demand for Turkish goods through the "kargo" system -- small-scale shipping services between Turkish wholesalers and buyers across Africa -- say business has slumped, even as official export figures continue to rise. - Facing pressure - While some still make round trips, most trade now moves through shipping services. AFP | Yasin AKGUL For agents like Fadil Bayero -- a Cameroonian who runs a kargo business that ships clothing, cosmetics and home textiles from Turkey to clients across Africa -- business is slow. Turkish products have a very good reputation in Africa, he said. "Before this room was filled to the ceiling. Today it is half-empty," the 39-year-old said. Like many Africans in the neighbourhood, he claimed that shipments have dropped, even as Turkish exports to Africa have generally soared -- from $11.5 billion (10.1 billion euros) in 2017 to $19.4 billion last year. Turkish textiles, once known for their affordability, have grown more expensive in recent years. Merchants say inflation -- above 35 percent since late 2021 -- has pushed African buyers toward cheaper suppliers in China and Egypt. But for Bayero, the explanation lies elsewhere. "It's not inflation that's the problem, it's the arrests. Many people have been deported," he said. - 'Everything is empty' - Since 2022, Turkey's migration policy has toughened, with the authorities blocking new residence permit applications in several districts of Istanbul, including Fatih, where Laleli is located. AFP | Yasin AKGUL The goal is to limit the proportion of foreigners to 20 percent per neighbourhood. "The stores, the streets, everything is empty now," said Franck, one of Bayero's colleagues. "Look out the window -- the sellers sit all day drinking tea while waiting for customers." A few streets away, Shamsu Abdullahi examined his spreadsheets. In his dimly lit room, dozens of bundles are stacked on the white tiled floor, awaiting shipment. Since January, he and his two colleagues have shipped over 20 tons of goods by air freight and filled the equivalent of 15 maritime containers. The Nigerian has also made around 15 round trips to his homeland, bringing 80 kilos of goods with him on each journey. "My residence permit expires in two months, and I think the authorities won't renew it," he said. He and his associates generate over a million euros a year in revenue. "It's money spent in Turkey that fuels the local economy," he said. - 'Golden age' - Historian Issouf Binate, a lecturer at Alassane Ouattara University in the Ivory Coast, said much of the trade is informal, making it hard to track. "It's difficult to provide figures on the volume of Turkey's exports to Africa because many businesses are informal," he said. AFP | Yasin AKGUL "Kargos" are "transitional businesses", with improvised activity shared between friends or family members. Many in Laleli now believe that the golden age of the "kargo" and suitcase trading is over. "In one year we went from about three tons of shipments per week to 1.5," said a young Congolese who has lived in Istanbul for five years and asked not to be named. "Even if we still manage to find low-cost products, we cannot compete with China," he added. Arslan Arslan, a Turkish merchant who sells African dresses a few metres away, painted the same picture. "Before, I had customers from morning to evening... but the authorities sent them back." Now Arslan searches for his African customers on social media. "I'm on Telegram, Instagram, Facebook. But here, everything has become expensive," he said. "I've lost 70 percent of my revenue in a year."