
How Poland, Romania, and Hungary Reflect Europe's Populist Shift
In recent interviews with Morocco World News, students from these countries offered their views on the changing political landscape. Their voices reveal not just frustration, but a commitment to reclaiming democratic control. Romania: Standing Firm with Europe
Romania's May 2025 presidential elections diverged significantly from the nationalist surge seen across much of Europe. Nicusor Dan, an independent centrist with a pro-European platform, defeated far-right rival George Simion with 54% of the vote. Youth turnout was key—with the eligible voter turnout at 65%, the highest in over two decades. This reflected a rejection of populist theatrics in favor of substantive governance in partnership with EU and NATO values.
In an interview with MWN, one Romanian student offered a nuanced perspective: 'It's not necessarily an education problem—it's the willing ignorance of the population. […] The culmination of the challenging economic situation and geopolitical detachment of governments over the past decade [gives the] sense that the mainstream government has failed the common man, so they turn to more radical expressive individuals.'
The students noted a pervasive distrust in traditional news outlets and the growing influence of social media that often distorts reality: 'There's a lot of distrust and lack of credibility in the news. The shift towards easily manipulated short form content can amplify misinformation.'
While George Simion's AUR party has made gains in recent years, it appears to resonate more with older generations. 'Among students, not really,' another respondent said. 'The older generations tend to resonate with the traditional political norms of the past.'
Perhaps most telling is the evolving stance on Europe.
'There is a growing anti-European sentiment, not necessarily among the youth. […] This extremism is based around sovereignty, that the EU wants to take control of Romania,' one student explained. '[AUR shifts] blame on globalisation and on Europe instead of taking accountability for the scars left by the communist past.'
Nevertheless, the pro-EU resolve students share is stronger than ever—especially after the previous populist front‑runner, Calin Georgescu, was revealed to have benefited from Russian-backed social media campaigns. That scandal triggered a national investigation and a court annulment of the November 2024 election due to suspected foreign interference. Poland: Between Brussels and Warsaw
Poland's June 2025 runoff saw Karol Nawrocki, a PiS-aligned conservative, narrowly elected with 50.89%. While formally independent, Nawrocki's views align with nationalist skepticism of Brussels—home to the EU headquarters—and opposes broader social liberalization. His election has created a palpable split.
As one Polish student told MWN: 'I don't think it will be much different. […] Nawrocki [might] be a bit more aggressive than Duda [the current PiS President] in opposing the laws being passed by the liberal government. In terms of relationships with the EU, Poland will continue to be a bit more distant but there certainly won't be an anti-EU Brexit type sentiment [like in the UK].'
The student continued by explaining Nawrocki's sentiment of resisting EU federalisation—an idea that the EU would turn into a centralized system of governance, similar to the likes of the US: 'I agree with the idea of not wanting to federalise the EU and bringing all of Europe under the watchful eye of Germany and France, which is what many Polish people believe,' the student explained, clarifying the growing tension of losing judicial independence.
The student added a more critical note: 'However Nawrocki's election will definitely halt the more progressive stance proposed by the Prime Minister [Donald Tusk] and his government, and we likely won't be seeing any sort of 'westernisation' in terms of abortion rights or LGBT rights during his presidency.'
Poland's stance on Ukraine also complicates the narrative. While the government has remained a vocal supporter of military aid, the student explained how nationalist rhetoric has crept into domestic discourse: 'There has always been a somewhat anti-Ukrainian sentiment in Poland due to historical factors and disagreements. The president-elect wishes to continue military support for Ukraine […] but the overall stance of the right wing is anti-immigrant, which of course impacts the way Ukrainian people are perceived in Poland.'
This reflects the ongoing populist paradox: defending European borders while distancing from European values. Hungary: Populism Entrenched
Hungary remains the most consolidated example of right-wing populist rule in the EU. Under Viktor Orban's Fidesz party, media freedoms, academic independence, and civil society space have all narrowed.
One Hungarian student described a clear generational and class divide to MWN: 'Young Hungarians [are] generally empathetic towards the EU and Europe as historically there has been distrust in the Hungarian government. […] My friends live in Budapest, which generally is a left-leaning bubble of safety when it comes to politically induced hardship. They do not yet feel the impact of [Orban's] censorship. Rurally, the people fully support right-wing propaganda such as anti immigrant sentiment.'
Orban's grip on media and civil society is no abstraction. 'Orban has taken over or taken down any largely available public media that opposed his leadership,' the student explained.
When asked about Hungary's continued resistance to EU sanctions on Russia, the student expressed deep frustration towards the opportunistic leadership: 'Generally the sentiment is that Hungary's leadership is […] money hungry rather than actively malicious. Much of the propaganda is based on issues that are very minor and function as figureheads for the populist argument.'
Another student echoed the pro-EU sentiment: 'Many of us want to be both European and Hungarian. Orban makes it seem like we have to choose. That's not how we want to see our country.' The Region at a Political Crossroads
The responses from students across Eastern Europe point to a shared reality: the younger generation is not passive. They are watching, participating, and resisting.
Poland's new presidency may stall liberal reform, but youth engagement—especially in urban settings—remains high. Romania's pro-European tilt proves that substance and transparency can still win elections. Hungary's students, even in a constrained civic space, are finding ways to make their voices heard.
What links these perspectives is a sense of urgency and generational accountability. Students don't merely vote—they advocate, organize, and interpret the stakes through their lived experience. The European Outlook
With far-right parties like France's Rassemblement National and Germany's AfD gaining momentum, the political decisions emerging from Eastern Europe are becoming increasingly influential. Poland and Hungary's defiance of EU rule-of-law mechanisms has long tested Brussels' resolve. Romania's pivot suggests that populist momentum is not inevitable—but rather subject to the strength of democratic participation.
The expected 2029 European Parliament elections will offer a decisive gauge. But the direction Europe takes may rest on whether young people continue to speak out and turn up at the ballot box.
As one Romanian student said, 'We understand what's at stake. This time, we made sure to be heard.' Tags: African immigration to Europepolitical shift in Europe
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