logo
This is the year you will be able to afford a home

This is the year you will be able to afford a home

News.com.au13-05-2025

ANALYSIS
In the recent federal election, the issue of housing affordability was once again a key political battleground.
Despite the Coalition and Labor having very different policy approaches on how to address the issue of housing, the underlying position of the two major parties is effectively in lock step, they do not want falling housing prices.
As any economist will tell you, attempting to limit the price growth of an asset to a very specific level over a period of decades is an extremely challenging task, particularly one like Australian housing, which has historically been defined by boom, bust cycles going back more than a century.
But let's imagine for a moment it's possible to get housing prices to magically grow faster than wages by the same amount every year for as long as it takes for incomes to catch up, how long would that take?
It's a long road
In order to give Labor and the Coalition's idea the best chance to succeed, we are going to tilt the scales in favour of a positive outcome by using the following settings:
- Wages will grow at 3 per cent per year, every year for as long as it takes. This compares quite favourably to the pre-Covid 5-year average rate of wages growth of 2.15 per cent.
- Housing prices will grow at 2 per cent per year, well below the compound average rate of 6.9 per cent seen over the last 25 years and significantly below the price growth seen during the pandemic
-The yardstick for a home to be considered affordable for a household is when mortgage repayments reach a level equivalent to 35 per cent of the median household's total gross income. This is significantly higher than the traditional yardstick of 30 per cent of gross income
-We will assume mortgage rates are cut to a level of 4.75 per cent, which represents a cut of roughly 1.4 percentage points from where they currently stand. This is significantly lower than the average discount variable rate of 5.9 per cent provided to owner occupiers in the 15 years' worth of pre-pandemic data on offer from the RBA on this metric.
The analysis will use the median earning household for each capital city and will assume that they have a 5 per cent deposit and cash put aside to pay for stamp duty, conveyancing plus all the other various transaction costs and that they are purchasing the median house.
Based on these settings, the nation's largest city of Sydney will reach our defined level of affordability in the year 2096.
Unfortunately, no, that is not an error, it would take roughly 71 years for the median household to be able to afford the median Sydney house.
The news elsewhere in the country is better, but still not great. In terms of capital cities, Perth would be the first to return to affordability in this scenario, with that occurring in 2049, 24 years from now.
Is this realistic?
Analysis such as this is often followed by criticism that it's unrealistic or that it's always been this hard.
But that simply isn't the case.
According to the PropTrack Housing Affordability Report, in 1999 the median earning household nationally could afford to buy the median home.
Before we go further, there are some notable differences between today's analysis and PropTrack's.
PropTrack's yardstick for affordability is repayments equalling 25 per cent of gross household income, whereas we are using 35 per cent of gross household income. Proptrack's numbers are for all homes, whereas today's is for houses specifically.
However, when you account for these differences, in today's analysis the hypothetical household has 40% more in relative terms to spend on repayments and the median house is 7.9 per cent more expensive than the median dwelling.
Overall, at a national level 1999 held a far superior level of affordability even once the differences in the two analysis methodologies are accounted for.
The takeaway
While wages growing faster than housing prices year after year, decade after decade is the most politically desirable option, from a practical perspective it's not really viable.
Even if it was largely viable the vast majority of the time, a single year of booming housing prices is all it would take to undermine potentially a decade of progress made toward more affordable homes.
Despite the potential political downsides, the easiest way to restore broad based affordable housing across the nation is lower prices.
This is something that has already inadvertently played out across the Tasman in New Zealand.
Since their post-Covid peak, housing prices in New Zealand at a national level have fallen 17.5 per cent, 22.1 per cent in Auckland and 25.1 per cent in Wellington.
Yet despite the relatively widespread perception of this type of housing price downturn having all sorts of severe negative knock-on effects, it has largely played out with a whimper, rather than a bang.
Ultimately, lower housing prices and more affordable homes could be achieved in relatively short order if the political will existed within the major parties to do so, an effort could be made to pull the required levers to sufficiently reduce demand and increase supply of homes on the market.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

‘Progressive patriot' prime minister faces his call to arms
‘Progressive patriot' prime minister faces his call to arms

The Age

time2 hours ago

  • The Age

‘Progressive patriot' prime minister faces his call to arms

'In today's Australia, the new default should be that patriotism is a love of country that is democratic and egalitarian. It is something that includes those of different races and backgrounds,' he wrote in this masthead a couple of weeks ago. 'With his political authority unquestioned, Albanese has an opportunity to craft a nation-building agenda. The significance is more than just national. At the moment, parties of the centre-left are struggling to find compelling alternatives to Trumpist populism.' Albanese's defiance of America doesn't come out of nowhere. It rings a Labor bell. It resonates with the decision by Labor's celebrated wartime leader, John Curtin, to defy Australia's great and powerful friend of his time, Britain. 'I'm conscious about the leadership of John Curtin, choosing to stand up to Winston Churchill and say, 'No, I'm bringing the Australian troops home to defend our own continent, we're not going to just let it go',' Albanese said last year as he prepared to walk the Kokoda Track, where Australia and Papua New Guinea halted Imperial Japan's southward march of conquest in World War II. Defiance of allies is one thing. Defeat of the enemy is another. In a moment of truth-telling, the Chief of the Defence Force, Admiral David Johnston, this week said that Australia now had to plan to wage war from its own continental territory rather than preparing for war in far-off locations. 'We are having to reconsider Australia as a homeland from which we will conduct combat operations,' Johnston told a conference held by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute. 'That is a very different way – almost since the Second World War – of how we think of national resilience and preparedness. We may need to operate and conduct combat operations from this country.' He didn't spell it out, but he's evidently contemplating the possibility that China will cut off Australia's seaborne supply routes, either because it's waging war in the Taiwan Strait or South China Sea, or because it's seeking to coerce Australia. 'The chief of the defence force is speaking truth,' says Professor Peter Dean, co-author of the government's Defence Strategic Review, now at the US Studies Centre at Sydney University. 'There's a line in the Defence Strategic Review that most people overlook – it talks about 'the defence of Australia against potential threats arising from major power competition, including the prospect of conflict'. And there's only one major power posing a threat in our region.' History accelerates week by week. Trump, chaos factory, wantonly discards America's unique sources of power and abuses its allies. China's Xi Jinping and Russia's Vladimir Putin are emboldened, seeing America's credibility crumbling. British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, alarmed at the rising risks, this week declared a campaign to make Britain 'battle ready' to 'face down Russian aggression'. Loading Starmer plans to enlarge the army, commission up to a dozen new nuclear-powered submarines jointly built with Australia under AUKUS, build six new munitions factories, manufacture 7000 long-range weapons, renew the nuclear warheads on Britain's strategic missiles, and put new emphasis on drones and cyberwar as war evolves daily on the battlefields of Ukraine. Starmer intends to increase defence outlays to the equivalent of 2.5 per cent of GDP with an eventual target of 3 per cent. Ukraine's impressive drone strike on Russia's bombers this week knocked out a third of Moscow's force, with AI guiding the drones to their targets. The Australian retired major-general Mick Ryan observes that Ukraine and Russia are upgrading and adapting drone warfare weekly. 'The Australian government has worked hard to ignore these hard-earned lessons and these cheaper military solutions,' he wrote scathingly in this masthead this week, 'while building a dense bureaucracy in Canberra that innovative drone-makers in Australia cannot penetrate in any reasonable amount of time.' At the same time, the FBI charged two Chinese researchers with attempting to smuggle a toxic fungus into the US. It's banned because it can cause mass destruction of crops. A potential bioweapon, in other words. What would John Curtin do today? 'Curtin, like Albanese, was from the left of the Labor Party,' says Dean. 'He was not an internationalist, he was very domestic focused.' Indeed, he was an avowed Marxist who believed that capitalism was in its late phase and bound to fail, leading to world peace. He abandoned his idealism when confronted by the reality of World War II. 'He realised that a leader has to lead for his times. He had to bend his interests from the domestic sphere to the international.' Curtin famously wrote that, after Britain's 'impregnable fortress' of Singapore fell to the Japanese in just a few days, Australia looked to America as its great and powerful friend. 'Albanese can't repeat that,' observes Dean, 'because there's no one else to turn to.' 'A modern John Curtin,' says the head of the National Security College at ANU, Rory Medcalf, 'would take account of the strategic risk facing the unique multicultural democratic experiment of Australia. He'd unite the community and bring the trade unions, industry, the states and territories together in a national effort. 'It's certainly not about beating the drums of war, but we do need a much more open conversation about national preparedness. Australia might be directly involved in war, but, even if we aren't, we will be affected indirectly [by war to our north] because of risks to our fuel security, risks to the normal functioning of the economy and risks to the cohesion of our society. Is there scope to use national cabinet' – which includes the states and territories – 'to talk about these issues?' And the defence budget? Albanese is dismissive of calls to peg spending by set percentages of GDP. Apply that to any other area of the budget and you'd be laughed out of the room. The prime minister prefers to decide on capability that's needed, then to fund it accordingly. How big a gun do you need, then find money to pay for it. Medcalf endorses this approach of deciding capability before funding, but says that risk should come before both. 'And if you look at risk first, it will push spending well above 2 per cent of GDP and much closer to 3 or 4 per cent.' Regardless of what the Americans say or do. Do they turn out to be dependable but demanding? Or uselessly absent? 'Australia will need to spend more either way,' says Medcalf. 'The only future where we don't need to increase our security investment is one where we accept greatly reduced sovereignty in a China-dominated region.'

Victorian Labor government to spend $81 million on economic and policy advice
Victorian Labor government to spend $81 million on economic and policy advice

Sky News AU

time3 hours ago

  • Sky News AU

Victorian Labor government to spend $81 million on economic and policy advice

Victoria Shadow Treasurer James Newbury discusses the prediction of the Victorian Labor government to spend $81 million in the current budget on economic and policy advice. 'The government is hiring an executive on $220,000 a day,' Mr Newbury told Sky News host Steve Price. 'For $81 million, I don't think we're getting very good advice because the government doesn't seem to be getting any better. 'What's this $81 million going towards?'

Muslim Vote to support candidates in NSW, Victorian elections
Muslim Vote to support candidates in NSW, Victorian elections

Sydney Morning Herald

time3 hours ago

  • Sydney Morning Herald

Muslim Vote to support candidates in NSW, Victorian elections

A pro-Palestine political movement that failed to win a seat at the May federal election has vowed to push on and support candidates for the upcoming Victorian and NSW state elections. The Muslim Vote endorsed independent candidates in three Labor-held seats – Watson and Blaxland in western Sydney and Calwell in Melbourne's north-west. Its greatest success was in Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke's seat of Watson, where independent Ziad Basyouny was the second-most popular candidate on a two-candidate preferred basis. Burke, who was accused of 'vote buying' after holding pre-election mass citizenship ceremonies in Sydney's culturally diverse western suburbs, still comfortably won the seat, receiving 66 per cent of the vote after preferences were distributed. In Education Minister Jason Clare's seat of Blaxland, Ahmed Ouf won 18.76 per cent of first preferences, but the Liberal candidate was second-preferred. In Calwell, Samim Moslih only garnered 6.85 per cent of first preferences. Despite failing to win a seat, Muslim Vote convenor Sheikh Wesam Charkawi said the results were a 'significant step' that 'demonstrated the model works'. In each seat, the independent campaign ate into both Labor and the Liberals' first preference vote distribution from the 2022 federal election. 'One form of success in the political arena is unseating the sitting minister. Another form is winning hearts and minds of the masses, setting the foundations for future challenges,' Charkawi said. 'We've had an avalanche of people reach out to us post-election, either to be candidates or to support our work ... The community isn't backing down. We all want to continue.'

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store