
Thai and Cambodian PMs to meet today after Trump steps in to broker peace deal
Thailand's Acting Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai and Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet will hold the meeting in Kuala Lumpur at 3 p.m. local time, Thai government spokesperson Jirayu Houngsub said. The discussions will take place at the office of Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, who is hosting the talks in his role as chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
The first talks since clashes began on July 24 come within 48 hours of Trump saying Thai and Cambodian leaders had agreed to 'quickly work out a ceasefire.' After separate calls with Phumtham and Hun Manet on Saturday, Trump had threatened that Washington will not do a trade deal with either country as long as the fighting continued.
The threat set off a flurry of diplomatic activities on Sunday with Anwar eventually getting the two sides to agree to meet. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio also spoke to the foreign ministers of Thailand and Cambodia and urged them to immediately de-escalate tensions while offering US help in future talks.
Speaking to reporters just before meeting with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen on Sunday, Trump acknowledged the phone calls with the two leaders.
'I called the prime ministers of each and I said, 'We're not going to make a trade deal unless you settle the war.' A lot of people killed,' Trump said. 'And I think by the time I got off, I think they want to settle now.'
With Trump's Aug. 1 tariff deadline looming, trade-reliant Thailand wants to avoid antagonizing the US president, especially as its officials have been holding talks to lower the steep 36% planned levy on its exports. Trump has claimed credit for helping halt border clashes earlier this year between India and Pakistan by leveraging trade measures, and is now applying similar pressure in Southeast Asia.
'When all is done, and Peace is at hand, I look forward to concluding our Trading Agreements with both!,' Trump said on Truth Social after speaking to Thai and Cambodian leaders Saturday.
Thailand's trade talks with the US have included offering expanded access for American goods in an effort to narrow a $46 billion trade surplus with Washington. Neighboring Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam have already secured trade deals with the US in recent weeks.
Thailand and Cambodia shouldn't have needed the pressure from Trump, and should have turned to Asean as a natural middle ground to mediate the conflict well before US intervention, said Fuadi Pitsuwan, a lecturer in international relations at Thammasat University in Bangkok.
'In the end, Trump will likely frame the situation as a win: he enforced a ceasefire while securing leverage' to impose punitive tariff rates, he said.
Despite the economic stakes, Thailand has taken a firm stance ahead of Monday's talks. Officials say any ceasefire must be tied to bilateral resolution of the dispute, the withdrawal of troops, and a halt to the use of lethal weapons. Cambodia, by contrast, has said it is open to an unconditional cessation of hostilities.
The talks are 'intended to listen to all proposals that could contribute to restoring peace,' spokesman Jirayu said. 'The Thai government remains committed to defending the nation's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Every square inch of it.'
The conflict, which escalated from months of simmering border tension, has killed more than 30 people and displaced over 150,000 civilians on both sides. Thailand has reported 22 fatalities, including eight soldiers, while Cambodia has confirmed 13 deaths, including five military personnel.
Heavy artillery fire continued on Sunday across the countries' 800-kilometer (500-mile) shared border. Both sides accused each other of targeting civilian areas with rockets and artillery. Thailand has responded by deploying F-16s and Swedish-made Gripen fighter jets to strike Cambodian military positions.
Thailand and Cambodia share a history of border disputes, though relations have remained largely stable since a deadly 2011 clash that left dozens dead. The last major flare-up centered on the Preah Vihear temple, a historic flashpoint rooted in colonial-era disagreements.
Much of the current dispute stems from maps drawn on differing interpretations of early 20th-century Franco-Siamese treaties, which defined the border between Thailand and Cambodia, then part of French Indochina.
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Hindustan Times
27 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
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Time of India
27 minutes ago
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First Post
27 minutes ago
- First Post
Trump's tariff toolkit: Lose Bharat, strengthen China, shatter Pax Americana
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Deals, concessions, and optics matter more than shared values or historical context. To him, tariffs are tools of power, not just economic instruments. The logic is simple: inflict maximum pressure, force capitulation, and claim victory. In this narrow calculus, Bharat becomes just another 'trading partner' to be coerced into submission. The 25 per cent tariff, therefore, is not only about correcting trade imbalances with Bharat; it is an attempt to showcase American dominance in the relationship. But this approach fundamentally misunderstands Bharat's ethos and foreign policy DNA. Bharat does not conduct diplomacy as a series of business transactions. Its foreign policy is rooted in a civilisational consciousness that values strategic autonomy, mutual respect, and sovereignty above coercive bargaining. Friendship, for Bharat, is never synonymous with subservience. Any attempt to impose terms through brute economic force risks triggering resistance, not compliance—especially in the long term. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD A History of Distrust Washington's discomfort with Bharat's independent streak is hardly new. During the Cold War, successive US administrations grew frustrated with New Delhi's refusal to align fully with the West. Washington often preferred authoritarian or Islamist regimes that were pliable, even unreliable, over a democratic Bharat unwilling to be dictated to. Pakistan's military establishment, for all its instability, was seen as a more 'manageable' partner than Bharat's noisy democracy with its fiercely independent foreign policy. 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STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Trump's second-term tariff war has brought that optimism to a grinding halt, though one could sense its beginnings during the Joe Biden era. At a time when Washington should be cementing alliances in the Indo-Pacific to counter China's assertiveness, it is instead alienating its most natural partner. Worse, this follows another strategic misstep: alienating Russia through Nato's eastward expansion, thereby pushing Moscow closer to Beijing. With both Russia and Bharat drifting away, America's much-vaunted Indo-Pacific strategy now looks increasingly fragile. Sindoor and Shifting Perception Recent events have further complicated Washington's calculus. Operation Sindoor—a swift and decisive military action by Bharat—demonstrated capabilities that few believed New Delhi possessed. Within three days, Bharat achieved what many believed was impossible against a nuclear-armed adversary. This single event forced both allies and rivals to reassess the country's military transformation. The US had been wary of rising Bharat for a while, but until Op Sindoor, its concern was largely economic—as was the case during the Biden era. Operation Sindoor brought Bharat's military transformation to the forefront. It signalled that the country was no longer just a counterweight to China but a potential independent pole in global geopolitics. This possibility has alarmed a power-driven West accustomed to using Delhi as a pawn in its broader game against Beijing. If Bharat grows too strong—economically and militarily—it will no longer be a tool of American strategy but a peer competitor shaping a multipolar world order. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Trump's tariffs, therefore, can be read as much about 'making America great again' as about slowing Bharat's rise. A $10 trillion Indian economy within a decade, with established military might, would fundamentally alter global power dynamics, giving New Delhi too much leverage for Washington's liking. Yet this approach is self-defeating. Unlike China, which aims to displace the US as global hegemon, Bharat seeks coexistence, not domination. America's inability to embrace this vision of shared power could cost it a valuable ally at a time when its own global leadership is under strain. A Self-Inflicted Strategic Loss Trump's continuing diatribe against Bharat reflects an enduring inability in the United States to accept partners that do not fit into America's hierarchical worldview. Delhi's insistence on a multipolar order, where no single nation dominates, challenges the very foundations of strategic thinking in Washington, DC. Bharat does not pursue anti-Americanism. It does not seek to undermine US power. 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Trust has been eroded. Doubts about American intentions have resurfaced. With this, Trump has handed Beijing a strategic victory without China firing a single shot. In a world reshaped by rising powers, America may find that the real cost of its tariffs is not measured in dollars but in lost alliances and diminished influence. Trump may, in the short term, earn a few extra dollars for the US, but in the long term, he risks putting the very idea of Pax-Americana on sale. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD China's Xi Jinping must be the only person laughing right now. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.