71 newly constructed govt degree colleges to start classes for 2025-26 academic session
are set to begin academic operations simultaneously on July 1 for academic session 2025 – 26. This initiative is the first of its kind in the state and is being hailed as a major milestone by the
department.
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A key highlight of these new colleges is the full implementation of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020. Along with two colleges in Prayagraj and one in Kaushambi, other districts include Agra and Jhansi (nine colleges each), Lucknow (12), Bareilly (13), Meerut (10) and Gorakhpur (four). In all, 1,562 posts have received in-principal approval for direct recruitment, including 1,065 appointments of assistant professor.
According to officials, more than 40 of these colleges were already formally handed over to the Directorate of Higher Education by implementing agencies. Efforts are now underway to ensure all necessary resources—such as furniture, lab equipment, and infrastructure—are in place ahead of the academic launch.Director of higher education, Amit Bhardwaj, confirmed the move, stating, "Under the Chief Minister's directive, 71 new govt degree colleges will commence operations in the 2025–26 session. The process of appointing teaching and non-teaching staff is in the final stages, and all necessary preparations are being made." In total, 1,562 posts received in-principle approval for direct recruitment, including 1,065 assistant professor positions. Formal appointment orders are expected soon. Meanwhile, classes will be conducted by deputing faculty from existing institutions until permanent staff are in place. Unlike many of the 172 existing govt degree colleges in the state, which typically offer only one or two academic streams, these new institutions will offer courses across all three major streams: science, commerce, and arts. Officials emphasised that this interdisciplinary approach will allow students, such as those studying science, to explore subjects like Sanskrit, in line with NEP's vision.Among the new institutions, two are located in Prayagraj—one women's college in Parasinpur Sikandra (Phulpur block) and another in the Meja block. Additionally, one college is under construction in Sirathu tehsil of Kaushambi district. Other districts witnessing significant expansion include Agra and Jhansi (nine colleges), Lucknow (12), Bareilly (13), Meerut (10), and Gorakhpur (four). Initially considered for a public-private partnership (PPP) model, the state govt eventually decided to operate these colleges directly.
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His stay at Baroda was also crucial in enabling him to distance himself from his English upbringing and education. He started learning Sanskrit and other Indian languages so as to have a more organic and intimate understanding of Indian culture. As Aurobindo delved deeper into understanding the core of Indian civilization and its foundational spirit, he became increasingly attentive to the question of Swaraj. This led to his involvement in political activities, which may be said to have begun in 1902. However, given the nature of his employment, his political activity had to remain covert. The Partition of Bengal in 1905 prompted him to take leave from the Baroda Service. In 1906, he left for Calcutta to serve as the Principal of Bengal National College (now Jadavpur University). Aurobindo joined a small faction of the Indian National Congress (INC) that identified itself as nationalist but was called by the majority faction of INC as 'extremist'. In 1907, he was prosecuted on charges of sedition. Though he was acquitted, his brief imprisonment turned him into the leader of the nationalist faction in Bengal. That same year, he presided over the historic Nationalist Conference in Surat, where the INC was officially split into two factions. Aurobindo was put behind bars again in 1908 for his alleged involvement in the Alipur Conspiracy Case. During his time in jail, he is said to have had spiritual experiences that led him to think beyond Swaraj. This was also the time he used for practicing yoga. When Aurobindo got out of prison in 1909, he found his party scattered and totally broken. He launched an English weekly, Karmayogin, and a Bengali weekly, Dharma, but despite his sincere efforts on multiple fronts, he was unable to revive the political unit he was once a part of. In April 1910, he left for Pondicherry, intending to return to Bengal when conditions became more favourable, but that never happened. 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Outlining the core aim of passive resistance, Aurobindo highlights the significance of moving beyond articulating narrow concerns to opposing the fundamental and pernicious markers of the colonial system – a defining feature of independent political thinking. He argued that passive resistance is vital in demonstrating India's strong determination to be a free nation, thereby strengthening its claim for self-government and liberty. For Aurobindo, the case of passive resistance is linked to the necessity of liberty for the thriving of a nation. If a nation is to thrive, not merely survive, it must be willing to take any action necessary for its self-preservation. When the very life of a nation is attacked, Aurobindo believes every possible response towards reclaiming that life, non-violent or otherwise, is right, lawful, and justifiable. Aurobindo also draws a well-informed distinction between active and passive resistance by looking into their methods. 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In his work Hind Swaraj, published as more of a manifesto, Gandhi dedicates an entire chapter to passive resistance. He warns his readers against viewing it as a 'weapon of the weak'. He insisted instead that it is an expression of 'soul-force' or 'truth-force', premised on the courage of a higher order, and informed by absolute fearlessness. However, for Aurobindo, there was no alternative to 'the sword of the warrior' when it came to upholding justice, defending righteousness, and stopping oppression and exploitation. Moreover, as we get to know through his several letters and other reflections, Aurobindo regarded Gandhi as operating with a rigid mind, firmly fixed in his ways of seeing things and unlikely to change. For Aurobindo, nationalism – from his early writings on the subject to his final political interventions (from 1890 to 1910) – was not to be reduced to a political programme. It demanded much more from its adherents. In January 1908, not so long after the moderate-extremist split in the INC, Aurobindo delivered a speech in Bombay wherein he outlined nationalism's religious significance by terming it as nothing less than a 'work of god' and true nationalists as 'instruments of god'. Nationalism for him was a deeper question of faith and conviction, not some selfish political aspiration. His words – 'If you are going to be a nationalist, if you are going to assent to this religion of Nationalism, you must do it in the religious spirit' – left little doubt about nationalism's religious significance. He argued that there were attempts at crushing nationalism because it was a 'new religion', and historically, 'when a new religion is preached, when God is going to be born in the people, that such forces rise with all their weapons in their hands to crush the religion'. In his famous Uttarpara speech delivered in May 1909, right after he was released from prison, Aurobindo shares with his audience his spiritual and mystical realisations during his time in prison. He declares that 'through her national revival, India was to spread the universal truth of Hinduism throughout the world'. A significant section of the speech dwelt on Hindu religion as the only religion that is universal and eternal, two features that he saw as deeply interconnected. Having established the superiority of the Hindu religion, he goes beyond the idea that 'nationalism is a religion, a creed, a faith'. Let Aurobindo's birth anniversary be an occasion to engage with his works diligently and gain a deeper and informed understanding of his views on Swaraj, dharma, nationalism, and passive resistance. Such an exercise would be beneficial, enabling both praise of and questions about Aurobindo to rest on registers that are markedly objective. How did Aurobindo's conception of nationalism differ from being merely a political programme, and in what ways did he infuse it with religious and spiritual dimensions? Compare and contrast Aurobindo's and Gandhi's interpretations of passive resistance, focusing on their respective moral foundations, strategic methods, and implications for political action. To what extent did Aurobindo's framing of nationalism as 'Sanatan Dharma' blur the boundary between religion and politics in colonial India? How did Aurobindo's views on self-development through self-help reflect on prevailing nationalist strategies of his time? (Irfanullah Farooqi is an Assistant Professor at the Indian Institute of Management Kozhikode.) Share your thoughts and ideas on UPSC Special articles with Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter and stay updated with the news cues from the past week. 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