
This Muslim Country is joining hands with China, making joint ammunition manufacturing facility for..., not Pakistan, Saudi Arabia
Even with Kuwait identifying itself as a nation of peace, they have started to invest heavily in weapons. Interestingly, Kuwait has now reached a new milestone by agreeing to cooperate with China to make these weapons on a mass scale. In particular, the important defense project between Kuwait and China—an ammunition manufacturing factory —is near completion and is expected to be unveiled shortly. This was announced by Kuwait's Deputy Defense Minister, Sheikh Abdullah Mashal Al-Sabah.
According to The TimesKuwait, Undersecretary of the Ministry of Defense, Sheikh Dr. Abdullah Mishaal Al-Sabha, stated that a joint ammunition manufacturing facility for light and medium calibers is nearly completed and will be operational soon as part of larger cooperative projects with China.
As reported in the Kuwait Times, Sheikh Abdullah made the statement at an event arranged by the Chinese Embassy in Kuwait on the 98th anniversary of the founding of the People's Liberation Army (PLA). Sheikh Abdullah described the project as a milestone in military cooperation between the two nations and explained that the scope of several military training programs, which started in 2019, is expanding yearly.
While details of the factory location and other information has not been publicly disclosed, there is speculation that this factory will produce light and medium-grade munitions.
Importantly, Kuwait has been a close military partner of the United States. During the Gulf War in 1991, a coalition led by the United States freed Kuwait from the Iraqi army. Currently there are about 13,500 American military personnel and 2,200 MRAP (Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected) vehicles in Kuwait Even though Kuwait has a good relationship with the United States, there is an orientation towards China. In 1995 it was the first Gulf state to sign a military agreement with China. Since then, China has provided Kuwait 155mm artillery guns and People's Liberation Army (PLA) naval teams have visited Kuwait three times.
According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Kuwait was the 10th largest arms importer in the world from 2020 to 2024, with a 466% increase in imports. The U.S. accounted for 63% of Kuwait's arms during that time. An intelligence agency known as Tactical Report states that China has also offered to address most of Kuwait's defense needs with no conditions. However, it is unclear if this fact is independently verifiable.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

Mint
7 minutes ago
- Mint
Adani Group denies any collaboration reports with BYD and Beijing Welion New Energy Technology
Adani Group on Monday strongly refuted recent media reports suggesting any form of collaboration with Chinese companies BYD or Beijing WeLion New Energy Technology for battery manufacturing or clean energy ventures in India. In an official filing to the stock exchanges, Adani Enterprises Ltd — the flagship entity of the conglomerate — dismissed the report published by Bloomberg on August 4, 2025, which claimed that the group was exploring strategic partnerships with the two Chinese firms. 'No collaboration being explored,' says Adani Group 'We categorically deny Bloomberg's report suggesting a tie-up between the Adani Group and Chinese companies BYD and Beijing Welion New Energy Technology. This report is baseless, inaccurate and misleading,' the company said in its statement. The group clarified that it is not exploring any form of collaboration with BYD for battery manufacturing in India, nor is it in discussions with Beijing WeLion for any kind of partnership. Earlier in the day, Bloomberg reported that the Adani Group was in discussions with Chinese electric vehicle (EV) giant BYD to establish a battery manufacturing partnership in India. The potential tie-up, according to the report, was seen as part of Adani's broader strategy to expand into clean energy and lithium-ion cell production. As per the Bloomberg article, Gautam Adani was said to be personally steering the negotiations with BYD, with meetings reportedly taking place as recently as last week. The proposed collaboration aimed to support large-scale manufacturing of lithium-ion batteries, which are vital for both electric mobility and stationary energy storage systems. The report highlighted that Adani's existing dominance in solar power generation, combined with BYD's leadership in battery technology and its position as the world's largest EV seller, made them natural allies in the clean energy space. Bloomberg also pointed out that Chinese firms continue to lead in affordable and advanced rechargeable battery technology, a domain considered crucial for achieving Adani's ambitious green energy goals. Furthermore, the report suggested that these talks were still at an early stage and might not materialize. It also claimed that Adani was exploring similar partnerships with other Chinese renewable energy firms, including Beijing WeLion New Energy Technology, while keeping discussions open with European and South Korean battery manufacturers. However, Chinese players were reportedly offering the most attractive value-for-money proposition. While denying these alleged collaborations, the group reiterated its commitment to India's energy transition through its ongoing clean energy initiatives. Adani Group has built a substantial clean energy portfolio across solar, wind, and green hydrogen verticals. The group is currently expanding its solar module manufacturing capacity to 10 gigawatts (GW) per annum and plans to nearly double its wind turbine production capacity to 5 GW per annum. It is also actively pursuing the development of a facility for manufacturing electrolysers, a critical component used in green hydrogen production. Disclaimer: The views and recommendations made above are those of individual analysts or broking companies, and not of Mint. We advise investors to check with certified experts before making any investment decisions.


Indian Express
7 minutes ago
- Indian Express
What India can learn from the maritime prowess of the Cholas
By N Manoharan and Diya Parthasarathy In his recent public address at Gangaikonda Cholapuram, Tamil Nadu, Prime Minister Modi pointed out the legacy of the Cholas in various arenas, especially in the maritime domain. But one wonders what the larger context of the Cholas' maritime ventures was, and how relevant it is today. Understanding the Cholas' maritime ventures is necessary to realise India's maritime tradition. Acknowledging this, a decade back, the Centre released a stamp to commemorate the contribution of Cholas in laying 'a strong foundation for promotion of trade, commerce and cultural exchanges which brought fabulous economic prosperity and expansion of Indian culture and heritage across the Indian Ocean to the land of South East Asia.' The Indian Navy undertook the 'Chola Expedition' in 2008 to replicate the 'invasion' of Srivijaya kingdom (Sumatra, Southeast Asia) by Rajendra Chola I in 1017 CE. By comprehending maritime ventures during the Chola period, it is possible to understand the present Chinese ventures in the Indian Ocean under the garb of the Belt and Road Initiative. The Chinese indeed had trade connections, but not in the present form of economically tethering countries along the Maritime Silk Route. There were two main interlinked drivers for the Cholas' maritime projection: Mercantilism and military expansion. At the turn of the first millennium, the trade patterns witnessed a transformation from pre-emporia to emporia. Pre-emporia trade denoted shipping of goods directly from the source of production to the place of consumption. Whereas, the emporia trade pattern meant that several intermediate ports catered to the breaking up of bulk goods for retail sales and purchases. Coinciding with such a change in trade pattern was the rise of 'corporate empires' like the Cholas, the Srivijaya Empire, the Khmer Kingdom of Cambodia, Champa in Vietnam, and the Song Dynasty in China. Varieties of goods were traded among the ports of these regions that included metals, spices, perfumes, cosmetics, precious stones, textiles, and even animals like elephants and horses. Significantly, customs levied on these goods that transited through seas constituted a chunk of the coffers of corporate empires. Though such a financial network gave a kind of order in these 'corporate' empires, it also led to disputes among those empires that tried to arm-twist the transiting trading crafts to serve their economic and political interests. The dispute started when the Srivijayans became avaricious and imposed a high levy for the passage of goods carriers through Southeast Asia. The Cholas did not take it kindly and wanted to get away from the 'Malacca dilemma' posed by the Southeast Asian kingdom. The Srivijaya rulers were also trying to control the land crossing across Kra Isthmus. Rajendra Chola went on to occupy Malaysia to control the Malacca Straits and also acquired Java and Sumatra by defeating Sailendra rulers during his Digvijaya. As China emerged as a leading trading point and market, securing sea lanes of communication became imperative. The Chinese considered the Cholas ('Chulian' by the Chinese) as a 'first-class' trade partner. Chola kings wanted to send a clear message to the Chinese that they would not hesitate to use military options against the obstructing elements (both state and non-state) to ensure the free flow of goods. This 'choke point syndrome' pervades even today, although the Chinese are more worried now than the Indians were then. To achieve the above two objectives, the Cholas depended on a strong and well-organised navy that was built over a period of time. Kings used to get a good deal of their income from trade and could thus afford to maintain a large and powerful navy without exhausting their land revenue base. The Chola Navy consisted of an armada of ships that were constructed and used for trade purposes. According to historical records, the Chola armada comprised destroyers, frigates and battleships. Apart, they used colandia, large expeditionary vessels, and sangara, large oceangoing single log vessels, to transport troops and logistics. These ships had the capability and experience to travel long distances. Kattumarams were small boats of wood tied together to float in shallow waters and to move goods from large ships to shore, and also to make amphibious attacks. The Chola Navy also included a strong intelligence wing to track intrusion of foreign naval forces. The Chola seafarers mostly used winds, heavenly bodies and currents to sail across seas. The kings were said to have encouraged the study of astronomy, geography and cartography as part of their maritime expeditions. A specialised study on the science of shipping and ship-building was patronised and pursued. Apart from commercial and trade interests, there were larger politico-strategic and cultural drivers behind the maritime ventures of the Cholas. They had to prove their might both in peninsular India and in the maritime neighbourhood. They had to protect trade routes and traders of Tamilagam. It was, in fact, a matter of survival and pride. Also, as Saivites, they considered it their religious duty to carry Saivism beyond Indian shores. Such drivers are true in the present context as well. It is intriguing to note why the Cholas did not pay attention to West Asia and Africa as much as they focused on South and Southeast Asia. One wonders whether it was because of the quantum of direction of trade that was flowing mostly from the west to the east, or did the Cholas consider Africa and West Asia beyond their reach? This aspect needs a fresh enquiry. Manoharan is Director, and Diya is a Researcher at the Centre for East Asian Studies, Christ University, Bangalore


Indian Express
7 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Trump has a Russia problem, and there is no easy way out
US President Donald Trump faces a daunting series of foreign policy tests, perhaps none more confounding than the Russia-Ukraine conflict. His presidency, long known for dramatic reversals, instinctive deal-making, and headline-grabbing proclamations, appears to have hit a wall when it comes to charting a coherent course in the Ukraine war. As this crisis festers, Trump's inability to shape outcomes in other theatres of conflict such as Gaza has also become more visible. Most worryingly, the United States' long-term vision for its strategic competition with China is floundering in ambiguity, pushing allies, partners, and friends into a space of deep uncertainty, all without an endgame in sight. The muddled US-Russia equation under Trump is symptomatic of a larger leadership dilemma. Trump finds himself at perhaps the most consequential foreign policy crossroads of his career: Whether to antagonise Vladimir Putin, a strongman he has long claimed to understand, or face mounting criticism from domestic and international quarters for inaction and inconsistency. This quandary is complicated by the fact that a full-blown US-Russia confrontation is neither desirable nor politically expedient, especially with Trump's stated ambition to de-escalate global conflicts and refocus American strength inward. Over the past several months, Trump has deployed every tactic in his political playbook in an attempt to find a breakthrough in Ukraine; placating Moscow, hedging bets, arm-twisting Kyiv and European capitals alike, threatening to pull back from the transatlantic alliance, and even halting military aid to Ukraine temporarily. These manoeuvres were followed by a dramatic pivot when Trump issued a deadline for Russia to come to the negotiating table and end the war, first suggesting 50 days, only to later shorten it to 10–12 days. These shifting timelines reflect growing frustration within Washington's political corridors and a lack of strategic consistency. However, responses from Moscow suggest that Putin is in no hurry. Far from being threatened by Trump's deadline diplomacy and social media brinkmanship, the Kremlin appears unmoved. For Putin, negotiations will only begin when Russia's 'military objectives' are met, a message Moscow has delivered repeatedly. The optics of Trump pushing for a Nobel Peace Prize while issuing ultimatums to a nuclear-armed adversary only underscore the gap between ambition and reality. What began as a distant concern has now become a looming crisis for Trump. With Ukraine expressing readiness for direct leader-level negotiations after months of failed lower-level talks, Trump finds himself out of options. His own Republican Party, led by hawkish figures like Lindsey Graham, is pressing him harder than ever to show leadership and decisiveness. The days of blaming Ukraine or freezing aid as a tactic are effectively over. In response, Trump has escalated his posture toward Russia, even going so far as to authorise the movement of a US nuclear submarine to waters closer to Eastern Europe. His administration is also contemplating secondary sanctions of unprecedented severity on countries that continue to purchase Russian energy, like China, India, and Turkey. Additionally, Trump is now pushing European nations to increase military-industrial cooperation with the United States by purchasing and supplying more arms to Ukraine. But such hardline tactics risk backfiring. Putin, who has long resisted deadlines or threats, is unlikely to respond positively to coercion. Any further escalation by Washington could provoke retaliatory steps from Moscow, possibly even in domains beyond Ukraine. Moreover, Trump's style of diplomacy, which is public, transactional, and often lacking nuance is unlikely to move the needle with a Russian leadership that prefers closed-door bargaining over media dramatics. The implications stretch far beyond Ukraine. By threatening secondary sanctions on energy transactions, the Trump administration is risking a widening rift between the West and the so-called 'Rest'. India, which imports a significant portion of its crude from Russia, could be forced to redraw its energy map which would not only be politically contentious but also economically destabilising. Similar pressures on multilateral arrangements like BRICS+ would likely lead to a further fracture of global alliances and fuel the rise of alternative axes. Studies have already warned that sweeping sanctions on Russian energy could eliminate millions of barrels of crude oil daily from the global market. The resulting disruption would have far-reaching consequences not just for oil prices but for the delicate economic recoveries underway in countries across the Global South. In such an environment, Brazil, Canada, and Mexico — already smarting from Trump's steep tariffs — are beginning to reposition themselves economically and diplomatically, seeking trade diversification and lessened dependency on the US market. Layered atop this turbulence is the Indo-Pacific question. The US under Trump has continued to project rhetorical support for a 'free and open Indo-Pacific,' but the strategic foundation of that promise is cracking. Washington's increasingly transactional posture, coupled with its lack of security guarantees, is prompting regional partners like India to rethink the reliability of American commitment. Even as Washington nudges India to do more within the Quad to shape its security dimensions, American assurances remain vague. The credibility gap is widening. India, Japan, and Australia are left wondering whether the US would truly back them in the face of a regional contingency, particularly when Trump's strategic competition with China seems to shift based on economic calculations and domestic political considerations. Over the past few weeks, Trump's handling of Taiwan only underscored these concerns. After extracting major investment promises from Taipei, Trump reportedly denied permission for the Taiwanese Premier to land in Washington under Chinese pressure. It reveals the precarious balancing act Trump has placed himself in by talking tough against China at home, but pliability when Beijing flexes its muscles diplomatically. This duality risks boxing the US into a corner. Without a coherent strategy or clear red lines in Asia, Trump's administration risks creating a strategic vacuum that China could exploit. And without trusted assurances from the US, many in the Indo-Pacific may start seeking alternative security arrangements or intensify a hedging strategy, undermining decades of American strategic positioning in the region. In the absence of a clear endgame, Trump may find that he is not shaping world events but is instead being shaped by them. The writer is Visiting Fellow, ORF America and Deputy Director, Strategic Studies Programme, ORF