ANC struggle hero Gertrude Shope dies peacefully at home, aged 99
ANC stalwart Gertrude Shope has died at the age of 99. According to the party, Shope, also known as MaShope, died peacefully at her Gauteng home on Thursday morning.
'A lifelong revolutionary, MaShope was a leader of profound discipline, courage and humility. From her early activism to the dawn of democracy, she served the Struggle with unmatched commitment in the underground, in exile and in the democratic parliament.
'As former president of the ANC Women's League, head of the ANC Women's Section in exile, and a member of the ANC NEC, she played a pivotal role in shaping the political direction of our movement and the emancipation of women in South Africa and beyond,' said the organisation on Thursday.
Shope, who was one of the oldest members of the party, is a former trade unionist and the first Women's League president.
Shope had been exiled in countries like Botswana, Tanzania, Czechoslovakia, Zambia and Nigeria, where she fought for the rights of workers and women.
'Even in retirement, MaShope exudes an air of majesty and dignity as a sage of the age, belonging to the same illustrious historical galaxy of revolutionaries that includes Charlotte Maxeke, Ruth First, Fatima Meer, Helen Joseph, Sophia de Bruyn, Ruth Mompati, Lillian Ngoyi and many more,' wrote former minister Naledi Pandor in celebrating Shope's life a few years ago.
Shope was born in 1925 in Johannesburg and grew up in Zimbabwe. She was 29 when she joined the ANC, leaving her work as a teacher in protest against Bantu education. As part of the Federation of South African Women, she fought to make women's struggles part of the wider Struggle for a free society.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Daily Maverick
3 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
SA almost has a Budget — finance committee adopts fiscal framework, despite MK and EFF rejections
After multiple false starts, a key aspect of the 2025 Budget was adopted in Parliament on Wednesday, with the support of the ANC and DA. When the second iteration of the 2025 Budget came before Parliament's finance committee in April, the divisions in the Government of National Unity (GNU) were on full display. The Democratic Alliance (DA) refused to support the adoption of the fiscal framework and it only moved through the committees and then the National Assembly thanks to the support of non-GNU parties such as ActionSA. On Wednesday, 4 June, the GNU's largest members, the African National Congress (ANC) and DA, finally found each other and the fiscal framework was passed by a vote of seven to three. The passing of the fiscal framework is a key step in the budgeting process. This framework establishes economic policy and revenue projections and sets the overall limits to government spending. This report must be adopted within 16 days after Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana tables the Budget. While the DA opposed the fiscal framework in Budget 2.0, Wednesday's situation was different, with both the ANC and DA supporting the measure against the opposition of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and uMkhonto Wesizwe (MK) party. Wednesday's meeting was briefly halted to find a bigger venue in Parliament to accommodate all the MPs, journalists and officials, as well as ensure it was recorded, in line with MPs' requests. There were several comments and queries by MK party MPs, including axed finance minister Des van Rooyen and former Eskom boss Brian Molefe. At one point, Molefe said the fiscal framework should include the expanded unemployment rate (43.1%) rather than the narrow definition (32.9%), but his suggestion was shot down. The MK and EFF also criticised the increase in the fuel levy, with Molefe describing it as 'regressive' and 'not pro-growth'. On Tuesday, the Western Cape Division of the High Court dismissed the EFF's urgent bid to block the fuel levy increase. Issues were raised on whether the Budget was that of an austerity budget, denied by the ANC – an answer the MK party and EFF continued to reject. It was questioned several times during the meeting whether MPs were making points simply to grandstand 'because there were cameras'. This seemed evident when EFF MP Omphile Maotwe raised objections over a section of the report that dealt with 'not providing bailouts' to state-owned entities (SOEs), rather than 'capitalising SOEs'. Maotwe said she was at Transnet when she claimed it had been successful under the management of fellow finance committee member Brian Molefe – the former Transnet CEO turned State Capture accused, and now a member of the MK Party on its parliamentary benches. Next week, the National Assembly will vote on whether to adopt the fiscal framework in a sitting at the Cape Town International Convention Centre. When the fiscal framework is passed, other steps in the budgeting process include the passing of the Division of Revenue Bill and the Appropriation Bill. During the tabling of the fiscal framework in the National Assembly in April, the ANC appeared jubilant when it was passed without the DA's support, while the DA had harsh words for the ANC and other parties who supported that version of the Budget. It's unlikely there will be such acrimony next week. DM


Daily Maverick
3 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
The NPA illustrates the rot within South African institutions
The decision by the Free State High Court to withdraw charges against Moroadi Cholota, the former assistant to former ANC secretary-general Ace Magashule, reveals the level of crisis within the NPA. But the NPA is just one example of a government institution in which officials either resist change or simply refuse to work, often aided by politicians. There will, no doubt, be several legal examinations of Tuesday's decision, in which Judge Phillip Loubser said his court had no authority to try former Free State premier Ace Magashule's former assistant, Moroadi Cholota, because the NPA had instituted her extradition from the US, while legally it should have been the Justice Ministry. While the legal correctness of this decision might be examined by higher courts, the public perception is likely to be dominated by a question of why legal technicalities matter so much. Of course, to lawyers, judges and the rule of law, they absolutely matter. But to many people, they are simply a way for people to avoid justice. The best example of this is former president Jacob Zuma, who has been able to avoid a fair trial since 2003. No accountability for the powerful The message this sends is that there is no accountability for those in power. But it also suggests that despite the reams of evidence heard at the Zondo commission, and the findings that it made, no convictions will come from it. For the moment, it seems that there is no big desire by voters to change our legal system, to remove some of the rights of those accused of wrongdoing. Considering our past, this is entirely legitimate. But if those in power continue to be able to avoid accountability, it is likely that first, trust in the justice system will continue to decline, and second, parties that propose limiting the rights of the accused will grow stronger. One of the important lessons from the NPA is that despite having independent leadership that appears determined to deliver justice, the institution itself is still very weak. The history of how the NPA was captured was being written almost in real time. People like Lawrence Mrwebi or Nomgcobo Jiba were in leadership positions there for many months. Both were found by the courts to be 'not fit and proper' for their positions. During the time they were there, it is likely that they packed the NPA with people who either supported their views or would never challenge their views. Ramaphosa But politicians have played an important role in keeping the NPA weak, too. Perhaps the person who has played the biggest role in weakening the NPA is President Cyril Ramaphosa. One of the important figures in the NPA during the State Capture period was the head of prosecutions in Johannesburg, Andrew Chauke. He was involved in delaying cases against former Gauteng Health MEC Brian Hlongwe and helped to bring a now debunked case against former KwaZulu-Natal Hawks Head Johann Booysen (Chauke has delivered a robust response to the claims against him, including in a TV interview with this writer). In 2023, National Director of Public Prosecutions Shamila Batohi formally asked Ramaphosa to suspend him from his position (under the law, only the President can suspend someone in this job). Two years later, Justice Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi said that the matter was at an 'advanced stage'. This is nonsense. If Ramaphosa really believed in the rule of law, and if he wanted a properly independent NPA, he would have suspended Chauke the moment he could. Worse for the NPA has been the Justice Ministry's refusal to share the Zondo commission database with it. Again, this must be deliberate. Even if there is some legal reason to make this difficult for the NPA, this would be for the courts hearing State Capture prosecutions to determine, not the Justice Ministry. However, it must be remembered that the situation at the NPA is repeated in many other institutions. Culture of resistance On Monday, the chair of the National Lotteries Commission, Barney Pityana, told 702's Bongani Bingwa about the difficulties he is facing in fixing the organisation, after the incredible corruption that happened there. Pityana appeared to be particularly critical of former Department of Trade, Industry and Competition minister Ebrahim Patel. One of his problems is that only the minister can appoint distributing agents to distribute funds, and the commission only had two or three when it should have had 11. As Pityana put it, 'For a long time, minister Patel was stuck with this appointment for reasons best known to him.' Pityana also said that within the organisation, 'There's internal resistance to some of the changes being made in the organisation, therefore compliance, we admit, has been a very difficult issue.' Pityana is almost pointing to a culture of people in important organisations that resist change. In some cases, it may simply be that they do not believe there is any reason for change. Or that workers in many government institutions feel that there is no reason for them to work, because it seems virtually impossible for them to be fired. The Sunday Times published an important report last weekend about the situation in Gauteng metros. It would appear that many permanently employed workers tell bosses that they can't be fired, and thus can't be forced to work. This culture has been evident in councils for many years. It could explain why services do not improve, whether it is a DA-led coalition taking over from an ANC-led coalition or the other way round. This toxic mix of a refusal by workers to change, and political interference (or so often just a refusal to act), may help to explain why so many institutions are not improving. Unfortunately, coalition politics is unlikely to make major changes. In institutions where this culture exists, workers may feel they can just outlast a new boss, knowing that they will still be there after she becomes frustrated and leaves. Ministers and others with political authority are likely to continue interfering or just doing nothing. This means that we can continue to expect the NPA, and so many institutions like it, to simply keep stumbling. DM


Mail & Guardian
6 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
Malema: Zuma's MK party wants to undermine EFF under the guise of ‘black unity'
EFF leader Julius Malema Economic Freedom Fighters leader Zuma has been advocating for the unification of so-called black parties to challenge the ANC and the On Wednesday Malema said Zuma was being hypocritical, given that his own MK party was founded quite recently (in December 2023). 'If you wanted to call for unity of people, you should have joined the EFF and not formed a parallel organisation,' Malema said outside the home of Malema questioned why the EFF was often the target of such calls for the unification of 'black parties'. 'Why is this unity of black parties only directed at the EFF? They never complain that the 'Every time it's the EFF. We are not going to allow that. You can see it's not black unity; it's an agenda to destroy the EFF. Why are they not giving you a report about black unity with the Parties such as The relationship between the two parties On Wednesday Malema said he would not work with Shivambu and did not want to involve himself in his problems, referring to 'Where was he going? He is not our problem. We are in parliament, we are working in parliament. If he comes into parliament, he will find us rolling,' Malema said of his former second-in-command's fate. 'The parliament now is run by young people; young people are running that thing. If he comes there and thinks he can impose himself on them, they are already ready for him. You can be rest assured that he will not do anything to undermine the superior logic of the EFF in that parliament.' Malema said his party would not be intimidated by the experience Shivambu brings to parliament for the MK party. 'If you are saying this person is going to be a holy spirit and be in every committee and boost the MK's presence in those committees, it's practically impossible,' he said. 'We do our work not because we want to outshine everyone but because we genuinely believe in this work and put a lot of effort into researching what we are going to speak about [in parliament].'