S. Korea's Lee to visit US to meet Trump this month
Bilateral cooperation for the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula and collaboration in the manufacturing sector, in fields such as semiconductors, batteries and shipbuilding, are expected to be discussed when the two leaders meet on Aug. 25, Kang Yu Jung, a spokeswoman of the office said at a press briefing.
Talks on economic cooperation will be based on a recently concluded tariff deal, Kang said.
On July 30, Trump said his administration would impose a lowered 15 percent tariff on cars and other goods from South Korea. Under the deal, the country will invest $350 billion in the United States and buy $100 billion worth of American liquefied natural gas and other energy products.
The announcement of the summit comes after U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio at the end of last month reaffirmed with his South Korean counterpart Cho Hyun their "resolute commitment" to the complete denuclearization of North Korea.
Lee and Trump held telephone talks on June 6, days after Lee took office and agreed to work toward a "mutually satisfactory" agreement on U.S. tariffs, which were initially set at 25 percent.
Meanwhile, when Kang was asked about a possible visit by Lee to Japan to meet Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba, she said "various possibilities are being explored," amid the two countries' hopes of resuming "shuttle diplomacy" or regular reciprocal visits of their leaders.
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The Mainichi
a minute ago
- The Mainichi
Powerful sister of North Korean leader denies removal of frontline speakers
SEOUL, South Korea (AP) -- The powerful sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un on Thursday dismissed South Korean claims the North is removing some of its loudspeakers along the inter-Korean border, mocking the government in Seoul for clinging to hopes of renewed diplomacy between the war-divided rivals. South Korea's military said over the weekend that it had detected the North removing some of its loudspeakers, days after the South dismantled its own front-line speakers used for anti-North propaganda broadcasts in a bid to ease tensions. Kim Yo Jong reiterated previous North Korean statements that it has no immediate interest in reviving long-stalled negotiations with Washington and Seoul, citing an upcoming joint military exercise between the allies as proof of their continued hostility toward Pyongyang. South Korea's Joint Chiefs of Staff did not disclose where it spotted the North removing some of its speakers. The North Korean speakers that have been visible from civilian-accessible border areas in the South were still seen by AP photojournalists after the military's announcement. During a Cabinet meeting Tuesday, South Korea's new liberal President Lee Jae Myung described the North's alleged steps as a "reciprocal measure" and expressed hope the Koreas could "gradually reopen dialogue and communication." Kim accused Lee's government of misleading the public, saying that North Koreans "have never removed loudspeakers installed on the border area and are not willing to remove them." When asked about Kim's comments, South Korea's Joint Chiefs of Staff spokesperson, Col. Lee Sung Joon, maintained that the South's military had confirmed the removal of some North Korean speakers and cautioned against "being easily swayed" by North Korean statements with political intent. "It has always been the case that North Korea often makes claims that aren't true," he said. No interest in talks with the US She also dismissed South Korean media speculation that the North may use this week's planned meeting between Russian President Vladimir Putin and U.S. President Donald Trump to convey a message to Washington via Moscow. "Why should we send a message to the U.S. side," she said, adding that the North has no interest in talks with the Americans. Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022, North Korea has made Russia the priority of its foreign policy and has sent thousands of troops and large supplies of military equipment, including artillery and missiles, to help fuel Russia's war. North Korean and Russian state media said Wednesday that Kim Jong Un and Putin held a phone call to discuss their deepening ties and war efforts against Ukraine. Russia's TASS news agency said Putin also shared with Kim information about his upcoming talks with Trump in Alaska on Friday, but the North Korean reports did not mention the Trump meeting. Kim Yo Jong had also released statements in July dismissing Washington and Seoul's stated desires to restart diplomacy aimed at defusing the North's nuclear program, which derailed in 2019 following a collapsed summit with Trump during his first term. In recent months, South Korean border residents have complained that North Korean speakers blasted irritating sounds, including howling animals and pounding gongs, in a tit-for-tat response to South Korean propaganda broadcasts. The South Korean military said the North stopped its broadcasts in June, after Lee ordered to halt South's broadcasts in his government's first concrete step toward easing tensions between the war-divided rivals. The South's military began removing its speakers from border areas last week but did not say if they would be redeployed if tensions flared again. The issue of loudspeakers North Korea, extremely sensitive to any outside criticism of its authoritarian leadership and its third-generation ruler, had seen South Korea's anti-Pyongyang propaganda broadcasts as a major provocation. The South's previous conservative government resumed daily loudspeaker broadcasts in June last year, following a yearslong pause, in retaliation for North Korea flying trash-laden balloons toward the South. The speakers blasted propaganda messages and K-pop songs, a playlist designed to strike a nerve in Pyongyang, where Kim Jong Un has been pushing to eliminate the influence of South Korean pop culture and language among the population, in part of attempts to strengthen his family's dynastic rule. The psychological warfare campaigns further heightened tensions already inflamed by North Korea's advancing nuclear program and South Korean efforts to expand joint military exercises with the United States and their trilateral security cooperation with Japan. Lee, who took office in June after winning an early election to replace ousted conservative Yoon Suk Yeol, wants to improve relations with Pyongyang, which reacted furiously to Yoon's hard-line policies. Experts, however, say the North clearly feels no urgency to resume diplomacy with South Korea and the U.S. anytime soon and remains focused on its alignment with Russia. Tensions on the peninsula could rise later this month with the large-scale annual combined U.S.-South Korean military exercises that start Aug. 18. North Korea portrays the joint drills as invasion rehearsals and often uses them as a pretext for military demonstrations and weapons tests to advance its nuclear program.
The Diplomat
2 hours ago
- The Diplomat
How South Korea's ‘MASGA' Proposal Could Reshape US Shipbuilding
South Korea offered in trade negotiations to 'Make American Shipbuilding Great Again.' It could mark a new phase for the alliance. When the United States threatened to impose 25 percent tariffs on South Korean exports in mid-2025, the dispute appeared set to become another flashpoint in the alliance, highlighting the current U.S. administration's transactional approach to both trade and security. The stakes were high: tariffs at that level would have disrupted billions of dollars in goods, strained political trust, and reinforced the perception that even close allies were not exempt from the United States' protectionist turn. The eventual compromise, reached just before the August 1 deadline, cut tariffs to 15 percent in exchange for a sweeping economic and industrial package from Seoul. At the center of that package was an initiative that quickly captured media attention and political imagination – 'Make American Shipbuilding Great Again' (MASGA). MASGA proposes $150 billion in investments from South Korea's world-class shipbuilders into the U.S. maritime sector. This would include upgrading U.S. shipyards, training U.S. workers, supporting U.S. Navy maintenance backlogs, and co-producing vessels on U.S. soil. The branding was deliberate: borrowing from U.S. President Donald Trump's 'Make America Great Again' slogan, MASGA appealed directly to the White House's political messaging while offering substantive industrial cooperation. The sight of red MASGA hats at the negotiation table underscored Seoul's deft use of symbolic diplomacy. A Structural Problem Meets a Willing Partner The United States has been grappling with a long-term erosion of its shipbuilding base. Since the end of the Cold War, consolidation in the sector has left only a handful of major shipyards. These yards face aging infrastructure, shortages of skilled labor, and program delays that have pushed naval construction timelines into the realm of decades rather than years. Even as the Pentagon and Congress debate fleet expansion – most recently aiming for a 355-ship navy – U.S. shipyards are already at capacity, struggling to meet existing orders. Maintenance, repair, and overhaul (MRO) facilities face their own crisis, with warships idled for months awaiting work. By contrast, South Korea remains a global shipbuilding powerhouse. Hyundai Heavy Industries, Hanwha Ocean, and Samsung Heavy Industries lead in commercial tonnage, advanced modular construction, and digitalized production systems. Korean shipyards routinely deliver complex vessels – both military and civilian – on time and within budget. For Washington, tapping this capacity could help bridge a dangerous gap between naval ambition and industrial reality. MASGA is not about importing foreign-built ships into U.S. service – something prohibited for domestic routes under the Jones Act and restricted for defense programs under Buy American rules. Instead, it proposes onshore investment by Korean firms in partnership with U.S. yards, combining the strengths of both countries through joint ventures, licensed production, technology transfer, and workforce development. Korean shipbuilders would partner with U.S. companies to share design, project management, and production methods, while U.S. yards could build Korean-designed vessels domestically, in full compliance with U.S. content laws. The Korean investments would introduce advanced modular construction techniques, automation systems, and integrated supply chain management to improve efficiency; U.S. workers would receive training in proven Korean shipbuilding methods through exchange programs and on-site instruction. The investment would be distributed across multiple U.S. shipyards – both naval and commercial – targeting bottlenecks in the construction of auxiliary vessels, logistics ships, smaller combatants, and unmanned surface platforms, with the aim of increasing output, reducing delays, and modernizing facilities without compromising U.S. control over sensitive capabilities. Looking at the U.S. shipbuilding sector, the U.S. Navy's MRO backlog is a persistent and costly problem. Delays in scheduled maintenance mean fewer ships are available for deployment, undermining fleet readiness. South Korean shipyards, with their proven ability to service advanced warships and large commercial vessels, could provide relief in several ways. One model would see Korean firms upgrade and operate MRO facilities on U.S. soil, applying their efficiency-focused processes to U.S. platforms. Another would allow Korean yards to handle non-sensitive maintenance overseas, freeing up U.S. facilities for high-priority or classified work. Both approaches would reduce downtime and extend the operational life of the fleet. This component of MASGA is particularly attractive to the Pentagon, as it addresses a short-term readiness issue without requiring entirely new construction – something Congress may find easier to approve. From Trade Concession to Strategic Integration What makes MASGA significant is its potential to turn a contentious trade negotiation into a blueprint for long-term alliance integration. Shipbuilding is not just another industrial sector – it is a strategic asset. Control over production timelines, maintenance schedules, and technology flows directly affects a nation's ability to project power and respond to crises. By embedding South Korean firms in the U.S. shipbuilding ecosystem, MASGA would create a form of industrial interdependence that strengthens the alliance. It would also lock in long-term cooperation, making the economic and security costs of alliance friction higher for both sides. For Washington, MASGA represents a politically palatable solution: it expands domestic capacity while creating U.S. jobs, deflecting charges of outsourcing. For Seoul, it offers access to a market that has historically been closed to foreign shipbuilders, along with a seat at the table in shaping future maritime strategies. The geopolitical implications are also significant. The Indo-Pacific maritime balance is shifting rapidly. China's shipyards are producing warships at a pace unmatched in peacetime history, while also expanding their commercial dominance. For the United States and its allies, matching this surge is as much about industrial mobilization as it is about naval doctrine. MASGA aligns with the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy by ensuring that allied capacity – not just U.S. capacity – underpins forward presence in the region. In a crisis, an integrated South Korean-U.S. shipbuilding base could surge production, repair battle-damaged vessels more quickly, and sustain logistics flows. This fits into a broader trend of allies contributing niche industrial strengths to collective deterrence. Just as Japan's advanced electronics feed into missile defense and Australia's shipyards support regional patrol fleets, South Korea's shipbuilding prowess could become a core enabler of allied maritime power. Navigating Domestic Politics Despite its strategic logic, MASGA faces significant political headwinds in the United States. Shipyard operators and labor unions have historically resisted foreign participation, fearing competition and job losses. Congressional protectionists could seek to tighten Buy American provisions, limiting the scope of cooperation. To overcome this, MASGA must be framed not as an outsourcing arrangement but as capacity-building within the United States. Korean firms would need to invest visibly in U.S. facilities, hire U.S. workers, and ensure that intellectual property and sensitive technologies remain under U.S. control. The aerospace sector of the defense industry offers a precedent. Co-production programs such as the F-35 have shown that carefully structured international partnerships can be politically acceptable while meeting industrial goals. MASGA's success may hinge on adopting a similar model. The genius of MASGA lies in its dual identity. On one level, it is a tactical concession, designed to ease tariff pressure and satisfy U.S. political optics. On another, it is a strategic vision for integrating two advanced shipbuilding nations in ways that bolster both economic and military strength. If fully realized, MASGA could help reverse decades of U.S. shipbuilding decline, accelerate naval modernization, and reinforce the industrial foundation of the South Korea-U.S. alliance. For the United States, that would mean a stronger maritime posture in the Indo-Pacific and globally. For South Korea, it would mean deeper integration into the supply chains and decision-making processes that shape allied naval power. In an era where industrial capacity is a decisive element of strategic competition, MASGA offers something rare: a solution that addresses domestic political imperatives while delivering genuine alliance capability. Turning the slogan into reality will not be easy, but if Seoul and Washington can navigate the political shoals, MASGA could yet become a defining success story of 21st-century alliance management.
Kyodo News
2 hours ago
- Kyodo News
North Korea rejects South Korea's conciliatory approach as "pipe dream"
BEIJING - North Korea on Thursday rejected the conciliatory approach taken by the new South Korean government of President Lee Jae Myung as a "pipe dream," denying Seoul's claim that Pyongyang has removed loudspeakers for blasting noise along the border in response to a similar move by the South. Kim Yo Jong, the sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un and a senior ruling party official, said in a statement carried by the official Korean Central News Agency, "We have never removed loudspeakers installed on the border area and are not willing to remove them," adding Seoul is "misleading the public opinion." Soon after his inauguration in June, Lee ordered the South Korean military to stop propaganda loudspeaker broadcasts along the border with North Korea in an effort to ease tensions on the Korean Peninsula. Last week, Seoul said it has begun dismantling the loudspeakers. The broadcasts had been resumed after a six-year hiatus under Lee's predecessor Yoon Suk Yeol, who adopted a hard-line stance on Pyongyang. "Whether the ROK withdraws its loudspeakers or not, stops broadcasting or not, postpones its military exercises or not and downscales them or not, we do not care about them and are not interested in them," Kim Yo Jong said. ROK is an acronym for the Republic of Korea, South Korea's official name. The sister said large-scale U.S.-South Korea joint military drills scheduled to start next Monday will "undoubtedly bring the light to the hostile nature" of Seoul. She also stressed that Pyongyang has "no will to improve relations" with South Korea, calling it "the U.S. faithful servant and ally," and said, "This conclusive stand and viewpoint will be fixed in our constitution in the future." The Lee government's expectation for a change in North Korea's stance is "no different than the wish for a flower in the desert," Kim Yo Jong said, describing South Korea as "the most hostile state." She also dismissed South Korean media speculation that North Korea may try to send its message to the United States via Russia during talks between President Donald Trump and President Vladimir Putin in Alaska on Friday, saying, "We have nothing to do with the U.S." In late July, North Korea said the United States must recognize it as a nuclear weapons state if bilateral talks are to resume. North Korea and Russia have been strengthening military cooperation since Moscow launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. The upcoming Trump-Putin summit will be held to discuss how to end the Ukraine war.
