logo
EU spending watchdog pours cold water on Commission's reform-for-cash budget plan

EU spending watchdog pours cold water on Commission's reform-for-cash budget plan

Euractiv02-07-2025
Don't absolve yourself from the responsibility of managing EU funds, the head of the EU's financial oversight body has urged the European Commission, slamming its core ideas to reform the next EU budget in an interview with Euractiv.
The Commission is finalising its proposal for a drastic overhaul of the EU's €1.2 trillion seven-year budget, expected on 16 July. At its heart, the EU executive wants to put in place a "reform-for-cash" model inspired by past rules linked to covid recovery funds.
That approach has been heavily criticised by the European Court of Auditors, responsible for examining the EU's finances – and its president Tony Murphy expressed scepticism in an interview with Euractiv.
What follows is an edited transcript.
Has the Commission listened to your criticism of the post-covid recovery fund (RRF), which it suggested reusing in the next EU budget?
Murphy: No. It's the most difficult thing we've had to audit because they disagree with every single thing we say. I mean, honestly, they dispute everything we say more or less.
In a recent Parliament hearing, Economy Commissioner Valdis Dombrovsvkis suggested that the disagreement is small, and said that you agreed on 97.9% of the countries' targets that you examined.
Murphy: That is too simplistic. The 98% is only a technical aspect of a limited sample of milestones and targets.
We say: the RRF has limited focus on results, no information on actual costs, is not clear on what we got for the money, gives an incomplete picture of who received the funds; payment conditions were not clearly defined, risks overlaps with other EU funds, has insufficient controls.
The main problem is: we don't even have a basis for saying whether it worked well or not.
The Commission absolved themselves from financial management of the EU budget and transferred all the responsibility to EU countries.
Do you support the push for simplification and flexibility?
Murphy: Simplification is great, but it is easier said than done. The RRF was sold as an efficient instrument, but almost without fail every EU country has said it was actually worse.
National regional partnerships could potentially be even worse: A national plan is negotiated between the Commission and the country, and then extra plans are negotiated between the state and its regions.
We're not against budget flexibility to move money quickly to react to certain crises. But there needs to be proper accountability when the money is spent.
What about the Commission's proposal to repurpose money from cohesion funding to defence and competitiveness?
Murphy: We don't comment on the political decision to broaden cohesion. But we can say that adding these new priorities, which are not related to the core objective, to cohesion is diluting its main purpose.
In a new Competitiveness Fund, the Commission is likely to increase strategic funds like investEU to mobilise private capital. Are such instruments effective?
Murphy: Our experience in the past suggest that these often aren't as successful as hoped. Some projects may happen anyway, and you rarely get the huge multiplier as predicted.
The Commission must be realistic and honest about what such programmes can achieve, otherwise they lose meaning.
Is it finally time for a major budget reform?
Murphy: The need to reform was always there, but it is very difficult to deal with 27 different administrations. We hope for the best, but we also think that people should be realistic.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Hungary's opposition leader accuses Russia of election meddling
Hungary's opposition leader accuses Russia of election meddling

Euractiv

timean hour ago

  • Euractiv

Hungary's opposition leader accuses Russia of election meddling

The parliamentary election set for spring 2026 is shaping up Prime Minister Viktor Orbán's toughest challenge to date Euractiv is part of the Trust Project Magnus Lund Nielsen Euractiv Aug 19, 2025 11:24 2 min. read News Based on facts, either observed and verified directly by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Hungarian opposition leader Péter Magyar accuses Moscow of attempting to interfere in the country's 2026 parliamentary elections, warning that Russian operatives are using 'disinformation campaigns, cyber operations, or intimidation' to sway voters. In an open letter published Sunday, Magyar demanded 'clear assurances' that Moscow would refrain from interfering in Hungary's domestic affairs, including through cyber operations or intimidation of politicians and citizens, Reuters reports. Magyar, whose Respect and Freedom (Tisza) party is polling ahead of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán's Fidesz, made the remarks after Russia's Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) claimed the European Commission was plotting 'regime change in Budapest' with him as its preferred candidate. In recent polls, Orbán is trailing Magyar's opposition party by around 10%. 'The last Soviet soldier left our country in June 1991. Now their operatives are back – sometimes working undercover, sometimes openly,' Magyar said in a Facebook post, calling on Russia's ambassador to explain the SVR's comments. Orbán, who has maintained close ties with Moscow since 2010 and opposed EU military aid to Ukraine, has accused Brussels of seeking to install a 'puppet government' in Hungary himself. The parliamentary election set for next spring is shaping up to be Orbán's toughest challenge in his nearly two decades as prime minister. (vib)

Europeans divided over where to spend their new military budget bonanza
Europeans divided over where to spend their new military budget bonanza

Euractiv

time6 hours ago

  • Euractiv

Europeans divided over where to spend their new military budget bonanza

As Europe prepares for a decade-long arms shopping spree to rebuild neglected militaries and narrow the gap with US firepower, its spending choices will shape the continent's industrial base for years to come. In June, NATO countries agreed to spend 3.5% of their Gross Domestic Product (GDP) on defence in order to meet the military capability requirements outlined in the alliance's defence plans. For the 23 EU members of NATO, this means a whopping annual increase of nearly €270 billion, according to calculations from the Bruegel think tank. These funds are expected largely to flow into the defence industry and military recruitment. A central question is now whether European countries will invest in developing their domestic defence industry or continue to rely heavily on US-made equipment. The NATO spending commitments are simple targets, leaving each ally relatively free to decide what exact weapons to buy and from whom. European allies are splitting along a spectrum, from those leaning heavily on US weapons to those insisting on buying European, with each path offering both short-term fixes and longer-term strategic bets. On the spectrum US-made systems have a clear attraction. High-end options such as the F-35 fighter jet or Patriot air-defence batteries carry eye-watering price tags but can help governments hit NATO's spending target quickly. For underfunded militaries, big-ticket purchases have long been the fastest way to show progress after years of neglect. The Patriot is a case in point. One battery costs around $1 billion, and each interceptor missile comes with a roughly $4 million price tag. In August, a small group of European countries agreed to purchase more Patriots, further increasing their defence budgets and reliance on US-made gear. A European alternative to the Patriot, the Franco-Italian SAMP/T battery and Aster 30 missiles, is around a third cheaper. France and Spain in particular have argued that building a robust European defence industry is an essential security priority. To that end, France has long avoided buying US-made weaponry whenever possible. The two countries joined with Germany on the ambitious and expensive Future Combat Air System (FCAS) next-generation fighter jet project, a European alternative to foreign options, particularly those produced in the US. At the other end of the spectrum, Poland has seen its national security priorities centred on quickly acquiring military hardware in large quantities, regardless of the source. Europe's clear defence spending champion, Warsaw has more than doubled its military budget in just five years, hired tens of thousands of additional soldiers and modernised its fleet of F-16 fighters while also buying new fifth-generation F-35 jets. The Polish armed forces also stocked up on rocket launchers, more than 100 new helicopters, scores of heavy tanks and much more. The country has prioritised speed in deals for military equipment, a key motivation behind Warsaw's burgeoning relationship with South Korean arms makers. Poland has been more wary of big-ticket European defence projects while maintaining deep ties to a number of US defence contractors. Is reliance on the US healthy? Most European NATO forces have extensively purchased American gear for years, assuming it would guarantee them a better relationship with Washington, the military alliance's dominant power. But Donald Trump's return to the White House earlier this year, and his administration's reluctance to promise Europeans unambiguous support in case of war, has forced governments to question whether buying American really buys influence or favourable treatment. Critics warn that purchasing further US-made equipment does little to resolve Europe's dependence on American technology or foster the growth of the European defence industry. NATO's spending target also contains no incentives to purchase European-made products to build up local industrial capacity. Instead, the GDP-based target can reward splurging on the priciest gear or enormous quantities of useless gear to show money is being spent, or favour exporters that can deliver fastest – often from the US or South Korea – while many European production lines face backlogs, especially in missile and ammunition production. That spending race has already pushed up prices in the global arms market, where costs have soared since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The price of NATO-standard 155mm artillery shells has quadrupled, from around €2,000 before the war to about €8,000 recently. However, focusing on budget figures alone risks prioritising optics over efficiency and real war-fighting capacity. That was a criticism voiced by Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez when he rejected NATO's new GDP-based targets, arguing that Spain could deliver the required military capabilities while spending significantly less. But NATO countries signed up to the task at The Hague summit in June, and will spend the next years trying to meet expectations. The alliance grades progress in yearly updates, adding pressure to deliver on their promises. (mm, bts, cp)

Poland plans 3% tax on tech giants
Poland plans 3% tax on tech giants

Euractiv

time17 hours ago

  • Euractiv

Poland plans 3% tax on tech giants

Poland is planning to levy a 3% tax on large tech companies which it wants to support its own technology and media sectors. As negotiations to adapt the global tax system to modern digital realities continue at the OECD level, many European countries are working on their own taxes targeting large, predominantly US tech companies. These efforts have caught the attention and ire of US President Donald Trump. But despite noisy pushback from his administration – including threats of retaliation via trade tariffs – a number of countries are pressing on. In Poland, Donald Tusk's government signalled its intent to tax Big Tech back in March. Further details of the plan are now starting to emerge. Work on Poland's draft bill will 'continue through the end of the year', the digital ministry told Euractiv. Once ready, it said the bill will undergo public consultation. Depending on the legislative process, the tax could take effect as soon as 2027. The ministry said the tax will apply to companies whose global revenue exceeds €750 million. It will be aimed at platforms including marketplaces, social media and ride-sharing apps, as well as companies carrying personalised advertisements or selling user data. Services that only provide users with access to content (such as games) or interfaces (such as payment or comms platforms) are set to be exempt, as are financial services and direct web sales – such as via a retail company's own website. Companies would have to report revenues generated in Poland or in relation to Poland, based on whether they can 'reasonably assume' users are residents of the country – for example through their IP addresses, per the ministry. It added that a 'modest' 3% tax on tech giants' revenues could generate up to €470 million in the first year. The ministry expects the tax take to continue to grow after that. The proposal appears quite similar to the Commission's draft for an EU-wide digital tax from 2018 – which would have paid into national treasuries – but got abandoned after member states were unable to reach agreement. The Commission also publicly mulled introducing an EU digital tax to pay back the Union's Covid recovery debts. However, instead, it recently proposed an EU-wide tax on large companies in general. (nl)

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store