
An féidir linn? Braitheann sé…
Coicís nó mar sin ó shin rinneadh mionchomóradh ar an óráid a rinne Uachtarán Stáit Aontaithe Mheiriceá, Barack Obama, agus é ar camchuairt go hÉirinn in 2011.
Agus é ina sheasamh os comhair slua lústrach súilghléineach ar Shráid an Dáma, labhair Obama go cumhachtach faoi na ceangail láidre stairiúla atá idir an dá thír.
Rinne sé cur síos ar thionchar na nÉireannach ar stair na Stát Aontaithe, 'sínithe Éireannacha atá ar ár gcáipéisí bunaidh, fuil Éireannach a doirteadh ar ár machairí catha, le hallas Éireannach a tógadh ár gcathracha móra.'
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Lena cheart a thabhairt dó, ní raibh caill ar bith air mar óráid.
Mar sin féin, níor luadh, ar chúis éicint, an pháirt a bhí ag Éireannaigh i ndíothú na ndúchasach óna gcríocha i Meiriceá Thuaidh (théis an tsaoil, deirtear go ndearna an ginearál Gael-Mheiriceánach Phil Sheridan, a bhí i gceannas ar Arm Stáit Aontaithe Mheiriceá, an ráiteas a thug bunús don mana cáiliúil 'The only good Indian is a dead Indian'). Níor luadh an ciníochas a d'eascair as an gcoilíneachas agus as an gcóras caipitlíoch thall ach an oiread, ach is dócha nárbh é sin an cineál cruinnithe a bhí ann.
Chríochnaigh Obama a óráid dheisbhéalach le haistriúchán Gaeilge ar a mhana cáiliúil pearsanta - 'Is féidir linn' – é ag tabhairt le fios nach bhfuil dúshlán ar bith nach féidir a fhreagairt nó a shárú.
Bailíonn brobh beart mar a deirtear, agus le cur chuige nó le dearcadh dearfach mar sin, cá bhfios cén feabhas a d'fhéadfaí a chur ar chúrsaí.
Ar ndóigh, bhí tuiscint sa tír le tamall maith roimhe sin ar an bpraiseach a rinne na páirtithe móra le linn ré an Tíogair Cheiltigh, ar an drabhlás, an díobhlás, agus an loiceadh tubaisteach a rinneadh ar an bpobal agus a chuir flaithiúnas na tíre ar ceal.
Bhí glactha leis nach bhféadfaí na botúin chéanna a dhéanamh in athuair agus mar a thug Obama le fios, d'fhéadfaí athruithe móra a chur i gcrích ach an toil a bheith ann.
Ach léim ar aghaidh ceithre bliana déag ón lá ar sheas Obama ar ardán Fhaiche an Choláiste agus pé tobar a líonadh leis an spiorad a bhí san aer an lá sin, tá cuid mhór de ligthe i ndísc ó shin.
In ainneoin na ngeallúintí a lean an teip eacnamaíoch agus géarchéim an bhoilscithe tithíochta in 2008, agus in ainneoin an rabhaidh go raibh orainn ár bhfoinsí cánacha a leathnú chun díobháil a sheachaint arís, an féidir a rá gur foghlaimíodh ceacht ar bith?
Mórscéil nuachta
Ar dhá mhórscéal nuachta le gairid tá an ghéarchéim tithíochta agus an fonn atá ar an Rialtas fáil réidh leis an Glas Triarach.
Tá an ghéarchéim tithíochta imithe in olcas, tá an óige fós faoi shrathair an mhargaidh agus ní acmhainn dóibh tithe a cheannach nó díol cíosa a íoc. Is léir go bhfuil drogall ar an Stát tithíocht a thógáil mar a rinne sna blianta a d'imigh thart agus is faoin margadh is mó a fhágtar an dualgas sin anois.
Tá an ghéarchéim teangeolaíochta á fadú agus á luathú ag an ngéarchéim tithíochta céanna. Is minic a bhíonn tithe cónaithe á gceannach agus á n-úsáid sna ceantair Ghaeltachta mar thithe saoire nó ag lonnaitheoirí nua a bhfuil an Béarla mar theanga labhartha acu.
Má bhreathnaítear ar chás na Breataine Bige, bhí géarchéim den chineál céanna ansin. Cosúil le cás na tíre seo, mhéadaigh líon na dtithe saoire praghsanna na dtithe go mór agus níorbh acmhainn do mhuintir na háite iad a cheannach.
Fágadh folamh sa gheimhreadh iad agus líonadh le Béarla sa samhradh iad, rud a chuir an Bhreatnais – Cymraeg – go mór faoi bhrú sna ceantair thuaithe sin, mar a tharlaíonn leis an nGaeilge anseo.
Uachtarán Sát Aontaithe Mheiriceá, Barack Obama, i mBaile Átha Cliath. Grianghraph: Eric Luke/The Irish Times
Ach dhá bhliain ó shin glacadh cinneadh cead a thabhairt do chomhairlí contae cáin a ghearradh ar úinéirí tithe saoire. Tugadh cead do na húdaráis áitiúla méadú 300 faoin gcéad ar an ngnáthráta cánach a ghearradh agus cuireadh deireadh leis an gcead a bhí ag úinéirí a dtithe a chlárú mar ghnó, rud go dtí sin a lig dóibh cíos ard gearrthéarmach a ghearradh.
De réir alt a foilsíodh sa nuachtán The Guardian le déanaí, spréach nuachtáin ar nós an Express agus an Telegraph mar gur thit luach na dtithe saoire de thoradh na cánach. De réir an ailt, d'ardaigh comhairle Gwynedd an cháin ar thithe saoire go 150 faoin gcéad den ghnáthráta i mí Aibreáin 2023 agus de réir mar a thosaigh úinéirí na dtithe saoire á ndíol, faoi dheireadh 2024, bhí praghsanna tar éis titim 12.4 faoin gcéad.
Tharla an rud céanna in Sir Penfro, áit ar thit praghsanna na dtithe faoi 8.9 faoin gcéad tar éis don chomhairle áitiúil an cháin a ardú. Is léir mar sin cén freagra a tugadh sa Bhreatain Bheag nuair a cuireadh an cheist, 'An féidir linn rud éicint a dhéanamh faoin ngéarchéim tithíochta agus teangeolaíochta seo'!
Ach in Éirinn, seachas 'Is féidir linn' a rá agus réitigh nuálacha ar nós sin, nó ar nós cearta cómhargála do thionóntaí agus do mhorgáisteoirí a fhiosrú, is ar leasú ar chriosanna brú cíosa atáthar ag caint. .
Má bhreathnaítear ar chás na Breataine Bige, bhí géarchéim den chineál céanna ansin…ach dhá bhliain ó shin glacadh le cinneadh cead a thabhairt do chomhairlí contae cáin a ghearradh ar úinéirí tithe saoire.
An Glas Triarach
Tuairiscítear go dteastaíonn ón Rialtas moltaí a chur i gcrích roimh bhriseadh samhraidh na Dála chun an glas triarach a chur ar ceal. Cuireadh an córas i bhfeidhm in 2001 tar éis don phobal vótáil i gcoinne reifreann Nice. Tá sé mar fheidhm aige a chinntiú nach gcuirtear ár gcuid fear agus ban óg sa bhearna bhaoil gan cead an rialtais, cead na Dála agus cead na Náisiún Aontaithe. Tá sé mar aidhm ag an Rialtas anois coscán Chomhairle Slándála na Náisiún Aontaithe a bhaint as an áireamh. Dar leo siúd atá ar son an athraithe nach bhfuil 'baol dá laghad' ann go ndéanfadh an leasú creimeadh ar bith ar pholasaí neodrachta míleata na tíre.
Aithníodh in 2001 nár bheag an bhuairt a bhí ar phobal na tíre seo go ndéanfadh Conradh Nice creimeadh ar neodracht na hÉireann agus go mbeadh ballraíocht in Arm Eorpach mar thoradh críochnúil air. Ach beagnach 25 bliain níos déanaí, nuair a chuirtear an cheist: an féidir linn an glas triarach a chur ar ceal gan reifreann? 'Is féidir linn', a thugtar mar fhreagra.
Mar atá feicthe againn i gcás na tithíochta agus i gcás lagú an Bhille um Chríocha faoi Fhorghabháil le gairid, ní léirítear an díogras nó an dúthracht sin i gcónaí. Is minicí a chloistear 'Ní féidir linn' mar fhreagra ar na ceisteanna úd. 'Is tír bheag muid agus níl mórán gur féidir linn a dhéanamh', nó, 'luíonn inniúlacht an pholasaí áirithe sin leis an Eoraip', seachas leis an rialtas atá tofa ag na daoine.
Nuair a fhéachann muid go humhal ar thionscadal mór na síochána, mar a tugadh ar an AE tráth dá raibh, tá iarracht mhór mhíleataithe ar bun anois le hairm á dtógáil ar bhonn tionsclaíoch.
Agus cogadh ag bagairt san Eoraip, má bhaintear coscán na Náisiún Aontaithe anois, nach bhfuil baol ann go nglacfar céimeanna eile arís i dtreo an mhíleatachais?
Anuas ar sin, tá páirtithe antoisceacha na heite deise á múscailt, ag fás, agus ag treisiú lá i ndiaidh lae. Má éiríonn leo dul chun cinn eile a dhéanamh sa Ghearmáin, sa Fhrainc nó sa Pholainn, ní fada go mbeidh móramh acu san Aontas Eorpach.
Nuair a bhuailfear an cnag ar dhoras Theach Laighean ansin, agus nuair a chuirfear an cheist 'An féidir libh?'
Cén freagra a thabharfar?

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