NCERT textbook flags ‘brutality' of Mughals: Divisive ploy or course correction? Experts debate
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Hindustan Times
27 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
Migration, religion, language: Bengal's new political churn
A lot of working-class settlements across Indian cities – including the national capital Delhi and its suburbs of Noida and Gurugram, Mumbai and others in states where the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is in power – have seen special drives to detect what the Indian state believes are illegal Bangladeshi migrants. At the receiving end of the drive are thousands of poor, blue-collar Bengali speaking Muslims. Whether or not they are illegal Bangladeshis in India is something which is difficult to ascertain. Even the authorities have been able to flag only a miniscule proportion of these people as illegal Bangladeshis. But that's cold comfort; the chilling effect and inconvenience this drive has unleashed on Bengali speaking Muslims in these cities has affected a lot more people. To be sure, poor Bengali Muslims are not the only kind of underclass to have faced police harassment in India. There are a lot of examples, from evictions in large cities to the police siding with perpetrators of caste violence in villages, where the poor are more likely to suffer at the hands of the law-and-order machinery. However, in many such cases, the poor are also able to fight back by political mobilisation. More often than not, it is by cutting deals with politicians (in return for votes) than direct agitational recourse. This is roughly what political scientist Partha Chaterjee has termed as 'political society' where the poor, even though they are in violation of some laws, are able to preserve their interests by leveraging their votes. The current crackdown against so-called Bangladeshis (read Bengali Muslims), however, is different. The recourse to 'political society' insurance in the place where the crackdown is taking place is not really an option. The BJP is not interested in votes of Bengali Muslims or Muslims generally. In fact, the BJP being in power is something which is always despite rather than because of the Muslim vote. The 'political society' which is sympathetic to the cause of these people – the anti-BJP political spectrum in West Bengal – does not have jurisdiction in this matter. The ruling Trinamool Congress, which is the overwhelming recipient of Muslim votes in the state of West Bengal, has been extremely vocal on the targeting of Bengali speaking Muslims which is currently underway. But the best Mamata Banerjee and her government can offer these people is a right to stay safely in the state of West Bengal. The irony is, these people would have never left if their home state – assuming most of them are from West Bengal and not Bangladesh – had the kind of economic opportunities which have attracted them to more prosperous, growing and therefore income generating cities outside West Bengal. Also Read: Bengal migrant worker alleges torture by Haryana police; minister visits him The helplessness involved here is particularly damning for Mamata Banerjee. The BJP has polled almost 40% of the vote share in the past three Lok Sabha and assembly elections held in West Bengal since the 2019 Lok Sabha one. The Trinamool Congress, however, has managed to win each of these elections with a greater vote share than the BJP. Given the fact that almost 30% (it was 27% in 2011 census) of West Bengal's population is Muslim and assuming that they do not vote for the BJP, one can deduce that the BJP already has the support of the majority of Hindus in the state of West Bengal. The only reason it cannot defeat the Trinamool is the latter's support among Muslims. In fact, the rise in Trinamool's footprint in Muslim-dominated regions of north Bengal – it has come at the cost of the Congress and the CPI (M) in the post-2014 period – suggests that there has been a Muslim consolidation behind the Trinamool with the BJP's rise in the state of West Bengal (more on this later). While Muslim support in West Bengal is crucial for Banerjee's and her party's survival in the state, she can do precious little to prevent their harassment in BJP-ruled states where these Muslim migrants go in search of better income opportunities. If this asymmetry continues, Mamata's political capital among the Bengali Muslims is bound to diminish although the chances of Muslims deserting her or her party are still pretty low. There is nothing more demoralizing for a politician than not being able to do something for their core voter base facing persecution. Two more questions need to be asked before concluding this column. What does this persecution mean for India's larger political economy? Free migration for the underclass has been the biggest engine of (relative) upward mobility in post-reform India. It is the most effective engine of trickle-down growth in India's small pockets of opulence where high-income middle-class settlements employ many blue-collar workers either directly (domestic helps etc.) or indirectly (myriad forms of manual labour). This is also a process which has largely been caste and religion agnostic so far. Adding a linguistic and religious caveat to these opportunities introduces an in-built inequality in this engine which did not exist earlier. Also read: Caught between identity, survival: Tale of a Gurugram exodus Bengal has always had a high share of Muslims in the population and Bengali Muslims have been migrating for a long time in India. What explains this new zeal to stereotype (if not outright persecution) them now? Until 2019, which is when the BJP became a close number two in the state, Muslims were part of both sides of the political aisle in the state and were divided along the fault line of the so-called 'party-society' than the typical secular-communal binary in most Indian states. What is happening in Bengal today is bringing it closer to an Assam kind of polity. The BJP already has an edge among Hindus in Bengal and is trying hard to take it beyond a critical threshold by portraying the Muslim as a foreigner. When a state has a 70%-30% population divide between the majority and minority community and the balance is more equal in large parts of the state (if one were to exclude parts like the tribal majority districts of West Bengal bordering Jharkhand and Odisha) then a communal divide in politics can be an extremely dangerous and even destabilising force. For all its failures and inadequacies, the CPI (M) which ruled the state from 1977-2011, the early years of which saw a far more unstable refugee/migration problem in West Bengal, was successful in preventing communalism in the state's politics. Political competition, as well as political violence in the state, was religion agnostic. While a status-quo-ante in terms of return of the religion agnostic 'party-society' model is extremely unlikely in West Bengal, business as usual will be increasingly tested in the days to come because of the fundamental asymmetry facing the Bengali Muslims and their party of choice. To see the ongoing 'anti-Bangladeshi' drives in BJP ruled states without this larger perspective will be missing the woods for the trees. Roshan Kishore, HT's Data and Political Economy Editor, writes a weekly column on the state of the country's economy and its political fall out, and vice-versa
News18
2 hours ago
- News18
Dangerous, Divisive Proposition: Assam Govt Vows To Deal Sternly With 'Miya Land' Demand
This demand, reportedly raised by individuals evicted from government and forest lands in Assam's Golaghat district, has triggered a wave of outrage across the state and beyond The fragile socio-political fabric of Assam is once again under strain with a fresh and alarming development—the demand for a so-called 'Miya Land." This provocative call, reportedly raised by individuals evicted from government and forest lands in Assam's Golaghat district, has triggered a wave of outrage across the state and beyond. The demand not only challenges the legal and constitutional framework of the country but also raises serious questions about identity politics, illegal immigration, and the rights of indigenous communities. The Provocation: Comparing Bodoland with 'Miya Land' The immediate controversy erupted following an eviction drive in Uriamghat, a sensitive area along the Assam-Nagaland border. One of the protestors, alleged to be among the illegal encroachers, brazenly declared: 'If big people can demand Bodoland, then we Miya people can also demand Miya Land. If 35 lakh Bodos can have Bodoland, then we 1.4 crore Miya Muslims can demand our own land too." This remark has drawn widespread condemnation, not only for its audacity but for falsely equating a legitimate movement like Bodoland—rooted in indigenous ethnic claims and decades-long peaceful protests—with an illegal occupation of forest land by individuals with dubious citizenship credentials. Assam government and several senior ministers have responded with clarity and firmness. Cabinet Minister Pijush Hazarika termed the speech 'blasphemous," reiterating that 'no power on earth can create Miya Land in Assam." Sarupathar MLA Biswajit Phukan went further: 'This is not the voice of a few individuals. It's a larger design. Miya settlers—originally from Bangladesh—have illegally encroached upon over 11,000 bighas of land here, some of which has become a breeding ground for unlawful activities. We will finish the eviction, and legal action will follow." Understanding the Historical Context: Migration, Identity, and Conflict The term 'Miya" refers to Bengali-speaking Muslims in Assam, many of whom are descendants of migrants from what is now Bangladesh. There is no denying the state's historical struggle with unchecked illegal immigration, especially post-1971. This migration has significantly altered the demographic balance in several districts, triggering fears of cultural erosion among Assam's indigenous communities. The Assam Movement (1979–1985), driven by concerns over identity and illegal immigration, eventually led to the Assam Accord, which promised to identify and deport foreigners and protect Assamese identity. But decades later, many feel those promises remain unfulfilled. Uriamghat and the Rengma Reserve Forest: The Flashpoint The Uriamghat eviction is part of a larger state-wide campaign to reclaim encroached government and forest lands. In Golaghat district's Rengma Reserve Forest, an estimated 11,000 bighas of land had been illegally occupied, often for illegal farming of betel nuts, and even allegedly turned into hubs for smuggling and other illicit activities. The government has already cleared 4.2 hectares in a peaceful first phase, demolishing over 120 illegal shops and structures with zero resistance—a stark contrast to the violence seen in Goalpara earlier this month. In the July 12 eviction at Paikan Reserve Forest in Goalpara, a protest turned violent, leading to one fatality and injuries to both civilians and police. This volatility underscores the fragility of law and order when such illegal settlements are allowed to fester. The Dangerous Precedent: From Miya Museum to Miya Land This is not the first time the Miya identity has been pushed in a confrontational manner. In 2020, former Congress MLA Sherman Ali Ahmed proposed a 'Miya Museum" to be set up inside Srimanta Sankardeva Kalakshetra, Assam's cultural epicentre. The demand drew severe backlash, with CM Sarma making it clear that 'there is no separate culture of char-chaporis that justifies a new museum." Despite state opposition, a mini Miya museum was later set up in Goalpara, signalling that such demands aren't isolated—they are part of a coordinated ideological movement. Legal and Constitutional Position: Unambiguously Illegal From a constitutional perspective, any demand for a separate homeland based on religious, linguistic, or ethnic grounds—particularly when propagated by illegal settlers—is unlawful. The creation of Bodoland was achieved through decades of political struggle by an indigenous people with a legitimate identity and grievances. In contrast, the demand for Miya Land lacks historical legitimacy, constitutional backing, popular or regional support. Any such attempt to divide Assam along communal lines poses a direct threat to national security and must be dealt with under relevant legal provisions, including charges of sedition, conspiracy, and unlawful assembly. Public Reaction: Assam Rises in Protest People from all communities—Assamese, tribal, and indigenous Muslims—have come out against this demand. Student unions, civil society organizations, and cultural forums have raised slogans such as 'No Miya Land on Assamese Soil" and 'Assam for Assamese." Interestingly, the silence of certain political leaders—notably Congress MP Gaurav Gogoi—has triggered a storm of criticism. Many accuse Gogoi of appeasement politics, with one protestor stating: 'Gaurav Gogoi prefers to echo Pakistan, not Assam." Assam's Identity and Integrity Cannot Be Bargained Assam's history is one of resistance and pride—from the Ahom resistance to the Mughals to the Assam Movement and the struggle to protect its language and land. Today, the state faces a new threat—not just from cross-border infiltration, but from internal political assertions that seek to alter its demographic, cultural, and territorial reality. Chief Minister Sarma's recent post on X (formerly Twitter) resonated with many: 'People of Assam are victims of mass-scale encroachment, demographic alteration, and violence caused by illegal settlers. They stand firmly with the government in this crackdown." The demand for Miya Land is not just an absurd proposition—it is a dangerous political weapon aimed at testing the limits of Indian democracy, Assam's patience, and the state's resolve to defend its identity. The government must continue its firm stand—evict illegal encroachments, enforce the law, and prevent communal polarization. For Assam, the message is loud and clear—there is no place for separatism, no compromise on territorial integrity, and no room for political appeasement at the cost of its people. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. tags : Assam himanta biswa sarma view comments Location : Assam, India, India First Published: July 31, 2025, 12:10 IST News opinion Opinion | Dangerous, Divisive Proposition: Assam Govt Vows To Deal Sternly With 'Miya Land' Demand Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
New Indian Express
3 hours ago
- New Indian Express
TMC counters cops over ‘linguistic terror', brings migrant family to Bengal
NEW DELHI: A day after the Delhi Police dismissed a viral video shared by West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee as 'baseless and fabricated,' the Trinamool Congress (TMC) presented the migrant family featured in the video at its Kolkata office on Monday to counter the narrative. The family, originally from Malda and residing in Delhi for over two decades, appeared at a press conference alongside TMC leaders including MPs Mausam Noor and Samirul Islam, Minister Firhad Hakim, and spokesperson Kunal Ghosh. The woman in the video, Sajnur Parveen, accused the Delhi Police of harassment, abuse, and extortion. 'Four men in plain clothes came asking for my Aadhaar and my husband's whereabouts. I was called Bangladeshi, slapped, kicked in the stomach, and asked to chant 'Jai Shri Ram.' They demanded Rs 25,000, and the next day, we were picked up, tortured, and forced to sign documents,' she said.
