Trump 2.0 and the end of strategic trust: Why Bharat must prepare for a long separation from America

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Donald Trump's foreign policy, defined by personal deal-making rather than institutional continuity, has tilted sharply toward Pakistan—driven less by geopolitical considerations and necessities than by the overlapping business interests of his family, friends, and close associates read more
For decades, the Bharat-United States relationship—built painstakingly across several administrations, especially in the last 25 years—operated on a certain baseline of strategic trust. Even when disagreements arose, a bipartisan consensus in Washington recognised Delhi as an indispensable partner in not just balancing China but also stabilising the Indo-Pacific. But in Donald Trump's second term, this consensus seems to have been shattered. His foreign policy, defined by personal deal-making rather than institutional continuity, has tilted sharply toward Pakistan—driven less by geopolitical considerations and necessities than by the overlapping business interests of his family, friends, and close associates.
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The clearest sign of Pakistan's growing closeness to the United States has come with two high-profile visits to Washington by Field Marshal Asim Munir in as many months. Such access is rare for an Asian military leader, rarer still for one from a country the US has long viewed through the prism of counterterrorism and aid dependency. But in Trump's presidency, Munir's military credentials are only part of the attraction; his economic utility is far more significant.
This shift has produced one disquieting outcome—an unambiguous American tilt toward Pakistan. And this preference, rooted in personal financial networks rather than traditional diplomacy, makes it unlikely that Trump will seek to normalise relations with Bharat anytime soon. Worse, the repercussions may very well extend beyond his presidency.
In just six months, Trump has rewritten the rules of American statecraft. Allies and adversaries are no longer defined by shared values or strategic need but by whether they can offer him, his family, or those around him a lucrative offer—and a headline-grabbing deal for the state. If the offer/deal is worthwhile, a country is a friend. If not, it risks being treated as a pariah/rival. A banana republic like Pakistan fits in well in this game of loot and scoot. An eminent democracy like Bharat doesn't.
Trump's Dubious Pakistani Links
Jared Kushner was among the first in the Donald Trump orbit to cultivate influence in West Asia, working closely with Saudi Arabia during Trump's first term. After leaving the White House, his private equity firm secured a $2 billion 'investment' from the Saudi sovereign wealth fund.
A New York Times article, 'The Wooing of Jared Kushner: How the Saudis Got a Friend in the White House' (December 8, 2018), details how Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman courted Kushner to advance his 'hawkish regional agenda and consolidate his own power'. Based on documents, emails, and texts, the report shows that a Saudi delegation—visiting the US the very month Trump was first elected—identified Kushner 'as a crucial focal point in the courtship of the new administration'.
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Trump secured his second tenure on November 5, 2024. The very next day, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman met Field Marshal Asim Munir, then Pakistan's army chief, in Riyadh. Many analysts link this meeting directly to the Trump-Munir rapport, viewing it as the starting point of their relationship.
The connection deepened in April 2025, when Pakistan's newly formed Pakistan Crypto Council (PCC) signed a landmark agreement with World Liberty Financial (WLF)—a cryptocurrency firm majority-owned by Donald Trump Jr, Eric Trump, and Jared Kushner. The deal came just days after a deadly terrorist attack in Pahalgam on April 22.
The timing was conspicuous, and the links unmistakable. WLF's flagship product, the USD1 stablecoin, operates on Binance's blockchain. Binance was founded by Changpeng Zhao, who, as per Forbes, was ranked the 24th-richest person in the world and second-richest Canadian, with a net worth of $64.8 billion in May 2025.
Interestingly, on April 7, 2025, Zhao—who was once convicted in the US for money laundering—was appointed by Pakistan's Finance Ministry as a strategic adviser to the Pakistan Crypto Council (PCC), a regulatory body to oversee and promote blockchain technology in that country.
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Trump's Pakistan connection is further bolstered by his long-time real estate partner, Steven Charles Witkoff, and his sons—Zach and Alexander. The Witcoffs co-founded WLF in 2024, of which the Trump family owns 60 per cent of the shares. Steven Witkoff is Trump's main adviser in West Asia. He has developed deep connections in the ruling and business classes of the region, which were further strengthened by his close association with the US President.
The presence of the Witcoffs has helped the Trumps spread their business deals across West Asia. A Reuters article, 'Trump's stablecoin chosen for $2 billion Abu Dhabi investment in Binance, co-founder says' (May 2, 2025), reports how a stablecoin launched by Trump's WLF 'is being used by an Abu Dhabi investment firm for its $2 billion investment in crypto exchange Binance', run by Changpeng Zhao. The report adds, 'The use of USD1 in the deal highlights World Liberty's growing clout in the global crypto industry, and its ties to Binance.'
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WLF may be less than 20 months old, but it has already courted controversies. A New York Times investigation has found the company offering endorsements to cryptocurrency firms in exchange for payments of $10–30 million, while pocketing most of the funds.
The Trump saga doesn't just end with WLF.
Texas investor Gentry Beach, a close friend of Trump Jr, too, has deep Pakistan connections, though he has also courted Bangladesh and Turkey for his ventures.
As per media reports, Beach visited Pakistan on January 30, 2025, within a fortnight of Trump taking office for the second time. He went there as chairman of a firm called White Bridge Global. The visit was organised by Pakistan's Special Investment Facilitation Council (SIFC). Interestingly, top military officials, including Field Marshal Asim Munir, are on the SIFC.
White Bridge has reportedly signed a deal in Pakistan to explore placer gold deposits near the Indus River. It has also signed luxury real estate deals in the country.
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During his meeting with Prime Minister Sharif, Beach reportedly said, 'America cares about Pakistan… You are our front face in the entire region.'
How prophetic were his words!
Then, there is Omeed Malik, born to a Pakistani father and Iranian mother. Malik is the co-founder of 1789 Capital with Trump Jr. In an article, 'Meet Don Jr's New Boss', published in the New York Post on November 22, 2024, Malik is showcased as the brain behind the 'idea for a 'parallel economy'—a kind of Brexit for conservatives from corporate America, which he saw tilting inexorably into wokeness'. Those who know Malik say that he has created a sort of conservative deep state within the United States that now supports Trump against the traditional deep state, which distrusts the Donald.
Donald Trump has used his time between the first and the second presidencies to create new connections globally to set up his own deep state ecosystem, with his Rockbridge Network as the nerve centre. This conservative deep state may be opposed to the traditional deep state of America, but it continues to carry forward the distrust for Bharat. Thus, this new deep state—just like the Leftist deep state—has deep links with Pakistan, Bangladesh, and West Asia.
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An Alternative World Order
Bharat, in Trump 2.0, thus had no chance, given the personalised objectives and expectations the new president came to power with. This aspect becomes glaring in comparison to autocratic countries like Pakistan, Bangladesh, and the countries of West Asia. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharat, being a responsible and responsive democracy, insists on transparent processes and guards its strategic autonomy. It cannot offer such depredatory concessions, making it a bad fit for Trump's loot-and-scoot policies.
Trump's public derision of Bharat, his punitive tariffs, and his warm embrace of Pakistan's military leadership have left a deep scar in New Delhi. Even if relations improve on the surface, the trust that took decades to build has taken a massive beating. This mistrust won't vanish when Trump leaves office.
To make matters worse, America now has two deep states, which stand opposed to each other, but on Bharat they have a common worldview: It's inimical to Delhi and seeks alliance with Islamabad. This foreign policy would ultimately backfire on America, but when the country is led by those obsessed with forwarding personal wellbeing and family businesses, the nation becomes the casualty. The US President, with his Trump-first policy, has signed the death pact for Pax Americana.
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For Bharat, the strategic lesson is clear: First, the United States is not a dependable partner. Second, New Delhi must start looking for an alternative world order, as the US-led Western order remains innately biased towards the white world. This Western doublespeak was evident at the start of the Ukraine war when a large section of the Western world was abhorred to see the Ukrainian plight, while far more cataclysmic events in Afghanistan, Sudan, and elsewhere in the Global South went largely unheeded.
Historically, it's not coincidental that the only case of nuclear catastrophe was seen in an Asian country even when World War II was largely the creation of one European nation. One can just imagine the reaction in the Western world had the US dropped a nuclear bomb on a White Christian state!
Bharat must use the occasion to create a coalition of dharmic states—countries across East and Southeast Asia with deep historical and cultural ties with Bharat. From China, Japan, and Mongolia to Myanmar, Thailand, and Cambodia, these connections provide a foundation for a civilisational alliance that can complement, not replace, India's other partnerships. This, however, doesn't mean Bharat can become oblivious to Chinese perfidy. The Trumpian emergency has forced Bharat and China to come closer and look beyond obvious differences, but this doesn't mean Delhi can—and should—let its guard down, for that would come at great national cost.
Beyond this civilisational bloc, outreach to Brics partners like Russia, South Africa, and Brazil can reinforce Bharat's multipolar strategy. This approach is not driven by sentiment alone. The global balance of power is shifting. Brics now surpasses the G7 in purchasing power parity. The world's 'unipolar moment' is over; Pax Americana is in decline. Trump's foreign policy accelerates this decline by eroding American credibility. For India, that volatility is a reason to engage more deeply with Asia, Africa, and Latin America, to invest in strategic infrastructure abroad, and to expand trade with economies that share an interest in a balanced world order.
Bharat's challenge is to turn the Trumpian turbulence into an opportunity—to globalise Delhi's partnerships, deepen its civilisational connections, and act as a confident pole in an increasingly disrupted multipolar world. The path to success is often tough, treacherous, and lonely. Trump has just shown that to Bharat. And the country should be grateful to him for imparting this timely lesson.
The views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.