MP govt scrutinises Turkish drone-maker's linked to Indore, Bhopal metro projects over national security concerns
'Turkish company 'Asisguard,' which is engaged in manufacturing drones, is accused that the drones manufactured by it were recently used in anti-India activities. The serious issue is that the same company, 'Assis' is currently contracted for the work of digital systems in the Bhopal and Indore Metro rail projects. In this regard, instructions have been issued to the officials to conduct a thorough and impartial probe of the facts. If it's found that the company has direct or indirect links with anti-India elements or its products have been used against India's national security, then the company's contract will be terminated. We will not compromise with the nation's honour, security and self-respect,' Vijayvargiya mentioned in his post.
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Hindustan Times
25 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
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(AFP) External affairs minister S Jaishankar is now in Russia. For both India and China (as also for Russia), the three-way conversations present an excellent opportunity to signal to Washington that there are possibilities of alternative global blocs and realignments outside of Washington's orbit and influence. What is perhaps more important and consequential are the underlying causes behind the current bonhomie between India and China. Beyond the optics, it is also evident that both India and China are eager to achieve a degree of normalcy in their relationship. The statement from the ministry of external affairs on the outcomes of Wang's India visit testifies to that. It is, therefore, possible to argue that there is a convergence between New Delhi and Beijing on the need to normalise bilateral relations. However, their respective definitions of normalcy are different. For China, normalcy means moving on from the current border impasse with India and focussing on the global balance of power. As Wang said, 'We (India and China) should never allow bilateral relations to be defined by the boundary question or specific differences to affect the overall picture of our bilateral ties.' Without normalcy with India, China knows that it will not be in a position to leverage Indian unhappiness with US President Donald Trump for its own larger geopolitical purposes. In other words, China seeks to exploit the current opportunity to challenge the US's global supremacy, and for that purpose, normalcy with India would be helpful. But the question is whether Beijing is willing to engage in sustained give-and-take negotiations with New Delhi to settle the border issue. For New Delhi, normalcy with China is centred on disengagement at the border so that it can focus on the larger geopolitical questions of India-China relations, India-China-Russia dynamics, and so on. For India, normalcy on the border and status quo ante bellum as of 2020 is key. China's global objectives behind the current warmth towards India should not be missed. Wang stated recently that 'as important members of the Global South, we have the responsibility to take the lead in opposing hegemonism and power politics'. There is little doubt that China would want to use India and Russia, and the Global South, to target the US-led world order. However, let's be clear. If Trump offers a G-2 with China, Beijing is likely to settle for it, sacrificing its secondary geopolitical equations. A similar logic extends to Russia as well. Moscow would vociferously promote the virtues of an alternative world order outside of the US orbit, but what it wants is to be recognised and treated by Washington and Europe as a great power and be accommodated within the European balance of power system, rather than being part of a China-led global order. 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For India, conflict management with China is a key issue, as the fundamental contradictions in the relationship are unlikely to disappear soon. Therefore, it is essential to establish and strengthen confidence-building measures (CBMs) to manage Sino-Indian tensions. In that sense, the recent agreements are in the right direction. A no less important reason for India to engage with China on a sustained basis is that managing the relationship with Beijing — its rise as a global power and ambitions for superpower status, aggressive pursuit of its territorial ambitions, and attempts at unipolarity in Asia — is going to be India's most crucial task for the next several decades. From that perspective alone, New Delhi will need to engage productively with Beijing. Happymon Jacob is the founder and director of the Council for Strategic and Defense Research and the editor of INDIA'S WORLD magazine. The views expressed are personal
The Hindu
25 minutes ago
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India.com
25 minutes ago
- India.com
Voter fraud row: Rahul Gandhi warns of political unrest ahead of Bihar polls, says ‘fire starting in…'
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