'One-Sided Beneficiary Classes': BJP Takes On Mamata Govt Over OBC List In Bengal, TMC Hits Back
Last Updated:
The TMC hit back at the BJP to "stop misleading the people" and said the party's "only agenda" was "divide and rule" with an eye on the 2026 assembly elections
A day after West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee said backwardness is the only benchmark to decide OBC status, the ruling TMC and opposition BJP exchanged barbs over the inclusion of beneficiaries under the category.
The BJP, in a detailed post on social media, accused the Trinamool Congress (TMC) of 'appeasement politics". It said for the Bengal government, OBC expanded to 'One-Sided Beneficiary Classes" and not Other Backward Classes.
The TMC hit back at the BJP's claims about the new list and to 'stop misleading the people with your lies". It said the saffron party's 'only agenda" is 'divide and rule" with an eye on the assembly elections in 2026.
On Tuesday (June 10), Mamata Banerjee told the state assembly that there is no connection with religion in deciding the inclusion of any person in the OBC category. She said the only benchmark to decide this in the state is backwardness and a commission set up by the state government is holding a survey on 50 new subsections for inclusion in that category.
Banerjee addressed the House after laying the annual report of the West Bengal Commission for Backward Classes for the financial year 2024-25.
WHAT DID THE BJP SAY?
In a post on social media, opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari claimed to 'fact check" Banerjee's speech on the floor of the state assembly.
He said this was 'peak appeasement politics" by the state government. 'OBC = Other Backward Classes. In West Bengal it means One-Sided Beneficiary Classes," he said in a post on X.
Adhikari alleged that the reservation list is prepared with the intention of providing 'exclusively to Muslims" and 'deliberately depriving" Hindus and other religious communities.
He said the government has increased the reservation for OBCs in state services and posts to 17 per cent, including 10 per cent reservation for 'more backward' and 7 per cent for 'backward' classes categories. Before this, he added, a 7 per cent reservation had been in place since 1997.
'Now, who are going to reap the benefits of the increased reservation for the OBCs? Muslims, as simple as that," he wrote.
OBC = Other Backward Classes In West Bengal it means One-Sided Beneficiary Classes.Mamata Banerjee, said yesterday on the floor of the West Bengal Legislative Assembly that OBC List not prepared on the basis of religion.Let's Fact Check her claim. Just look at the Peak of… pic.twitter.com/9EzhBT55ec — Suvendu Adhikari (@SuvenduWB) June 11, 2025
The BJP leader said in December 2024, the Supreme Court had observed reservation must not be based on religion. This was while it was hearing an appeal filed by the West Bengal government against the Calcutta High Court judgment striking down its policy to include several castes, largely Muslim communities, in the state's OBC list.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
News18
31 minutes ago
- News18
The 'Joy Bangla' Deception: Don't Judge By The Cover, 'Study' It
Last Updated: The 'Joy Bangla' Deception is divided into four clearly defined sections, with a logically progressive narrative that unfolds before you, presenting a highly disturbing picture The complete title of the book under consideration is The 'Joy Bangla' Deception—Bangladeshi Islamism Under the Façade of Bengali Nationalism. I generally do not begin a book review with criticism. But this time I make an exception. The cover does not do justice to the book and its content. It does not capture the intensity of the work done by the two authors, Kausik Gangopadhyay and Devavrata. So, my first request to the readers is not to go by the dull, uninspiring cover; just grab a copy and study it, not just read it. The book shook me up, like none other in recent times. I must confess that I, too, was going by the generally accepted narrative of Bangladeshi nationalism, the secular nature of Mujibur Rehman's politics. I was not so much aware of the bloody trail of the history of Bengal, divided into East Pakistan and West Bengal, and the new avatar of the Muslim League's two-nation theory—Bangladesh. Abdul Mansur Ahmad, a Muslim Bengali leader, notes, after Bangladesh was created, 'Neither Pakistan is broken by the liberation or Bangladesh, nor 'Two Nation Theory' was proven false. Instead of one Pakistan, two Pakistans have happened as per Lahore Resolution. The GOI has assisted us to realise the Lahore Resolution and we are grateful to them. The Lahore Resolution does not mention the word Pakistan, only 'Muslim Majority state'." If a person like me, who has done research on the northeast region of Bharat, which means I also had to study West Bengal and a little about East Pakistan (later Bangladesh), had only a limited idea about the ideology behind Awami League and the level of violent persecution of Hindus, I can imagine what an ordinary Indian knows. I was aware of Bouddh Chakmas but not to the extent that this book exposes. Hindu Bengalis of West Bengal may be aware, but they have chosen to gulp down the tablet called Amnesia to sleep well and forget about what their own families went through and what their unfortunate brethren are facing in Bangladesh even today. Tathagata Roy explains this mentality in his book. The dedication of the book gives you a hint that you are getting into uncharted territories. It is dedicated to the Bengali humanist bloggers, writers, and activists, of whom 11 are dead; of these, only one is Hindu. And survivors, all of whom are Muslims, have been exiled from their country. You also realise that there are still some Muslims out there who believe in humanity, coexistence, and truth. The introduction of the book makes you uneasy. You feel lost because you have no clue of the context, about which you are ignorant. Ideally, read the introduction after reading a few chapters; it will make more sense. The 'Joy Bangla' Deception is divided into four clearly defined sections, with a logically progressive narrative that unfolds before you, presenting a highly disturbing picture. There are 14 chapters and a very elaborate section of endnotes, not found in many books. As a critic, I can only say that it is too academic because it is written by academicians. But on the positive side, this academic approach saves the book from falling into the trap of emotional storytelling or raising tempers. It is a harsh story, told calmly, as it is. The first section, The Propaganda of 'Joy Bangla', destroys many images of Sheikh Mujibur Rehman that we hold dear, and opens your mind with evidence based on the true political character of Mujib and his friends. One is surprised that our people never went beyond the disappointment of Jogendra Nath Mandal, who returned to Bharat and died an unsung, unhappy soul. Even this story was seen as a footnote in the history of partition, about which hardly anyone talked until recently. Maulana Bhashani, the guiding light of the Muslim Awami League, later renamed as Awami League, time and again asserts that he may be called a socialist or a communist, but he remains a Muslim to the core. He says, 'Indians are the greatest enemy of Bengali Muslims." He notes that Mujib once assured him, 'I remained a lifelong Muslim Leaguer." He proved it when he did not give permission for the rebuilding of the huge Ramna Kali temple, destroyed by the Pakistani army in 1971 after the liberation of Bangladesh. He, in fact, bulldozed the remaining temple and built a garden, naming it in memory of Suhrawardy, the butcher of Bengal. Leaders of Bangladesh were and are clear all through that Bangladesh may not be an Islamic state, but it is a Muslim state nonetheless. Bengali nationalism was invented to overcome the Hindu resistance against the Muslim Awami League. The oft-repeated theory that neglect of the Bengali language was the cause of the rise of Bengali nationalist sentiment is also stripped of its validity by the writers with evidence that Bengali had become the second national language in 1956 and was given equal space in the government. The fact is, the bold voice that called for the Bengali language was not a Muslim but a Hindu leader, Dhirendranath Datta. Once a powerful elected leader from East Pakistan days, he died a lonely man, and his property has since been taken over by the Muslims, like so many other properties of Hindus. The real issue was the exploitation of East Pakistan's economy by West Pakistan and the division of political power between the two wings. Since a separate Hindu electorate with a sizable number of seats was dissolved, Hindus were left with a choice between a radical Muslim party or the Awami League, which succeeded in projecting a moderate face. The book discloses that right after partition, isolation and weakening of Hindus had begun. There was sustained economic deprivation that impoverished most of the Hindus. Their properties were taken away under the Enemy Properties Act. This Act was never removed by Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, only renamed. The desecration of Hindu homes of great Bengali leaders of the current West Bengal and Bangladeshi Hindus is a who's who list. Academic research papers have been written on this topic by independent Bangladeshi scholars, most of whom are Muslims. So, the news of the desecration of Rabindranath Tagore's home is not a surprise for the observers of Bangladesh's history. It is a continuity of the same process. Do not be surprised if, under Muhammad Yunus, you find Amar Sonar Bangla removed as the national anthem. Islamists are waiting for the right time. The churn in Bengali society and its Islamist element is brought out well by Humayun Azad, a noted intellectual, in 1990: 'Muslims of this country after some time, became Muslim Bengali, then Bengali Muslims, and then Bengali. Now again, they are reverting, from Bengali to Bengali Muslim, from Bengali Muslim to Muslim Bengali and from Muslim Bengali to Muslim." This intriguing line explains the tragedy of Bangladesh succinctly, and more particularly of Bangladeshi Hindus. The current designs of Bangladesh Islamists were laid before the world by Maulana Bhashani in 1972: 'Assam is mine, West Bengal is mine, and Tripura is mine too. Until those regions are liberated back from India, neither the liberation of Bangladesh nor its map is complete." The book is full of such surprising and disturbing quotes that you may not have read so far in any book on Bengal or Bangladesh. They answer many of the questions that one faces while reading or hearing about disturbances in Bangladesh and the misfortune of Bengali Hindus. The writers assert that the only solution is to reclaim Bengaliness from the Islamic appropriation. As you move through the book, you are taken through the brutal persecution of Hindus, sustained killing and deprivation of Hindus, the fake history of Bengali nationalism of Bangladesh Muslim leaders, and the ambitious Islamist dreams of Bangladesh leaders. I can only say that sedatives are not a cure for a sickness. One needs to take a strong dose of bitter medicines or maybe undergo an operation to get cured of the cancer that is eating away at the core of the sacred land of Bharat, which inspired countless people to struggle for the renaissance of Hindu dharma and fight for freedom. The reviewer is a well-known author and political commentator. He has written several books on RSS, like RSS 360, Sangh & Swaraj, RSS: Evolution from an Organisation to a Movement, Conflict Resolution: The RSS Way, and done a PhD on RSS. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. tags : bangladesh bengali Muslim pakistan West Bengal Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: June 14, 2025, 19:39 IST News opinion Book Review | The 'Joy Bangla' Deception: Don't Judge By The Cover, 'Study' It
The Hindu
34 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Baby calls for detoxification of society from fascist ideals propagated by RSS
Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)] general secretary M.A. Baby has observed that while politically defeating the fascist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)-controlled Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is important, even more important is defeating their fake cultural nationalism project through which they are invading people's minds. He was speaking after releasing the Malayalam translation of the book, Being Muslim in Hindu India written by Ziya Us Salam, Associate Editor of The Hindu, here on Saturday (June 14, 2025). 'What is needed parallel to a political fight is a cultural fight by democratic and secular forces to detoxify people's minds of fascist ideals. Otherwise, even if the BJP is electorally defeated in the future, the RSS will continue to work in Indian society,' Mr. Baby said. 'The electoral setback suffered by the BJP in last year's general elections is a lesson that attempts by the Modi-led neo-fascist, majoritarian forces to set up a Hindu State with the backing of the corporate and the neo-rich can be effectively resisted by democratic and secular forces, if they so desire. However, whether the political parties, which are supposed to learn lessons from that, are acting accordingly remains a question,' he said. Mr. Baby said that Modi, whose party lost its majority in the last general elections and now relies on two crutches — the Janata Dal (United) and the Telugu Desam Party — is trying to win back popular support by politically exploiting the post-Pahalgam scenario, just as he did before the 2019 general elections. He bemoaned the 'othering' based on religion and caste in the country, citing the denial of passage to Mr. Salam over a mere misspelling in his air ticket as an example. Mr. Salam was unable to attend the function. Senior journalist Siddharth Varadarajan and poet P.N. Gopikrishnan spoke at the seminar on 'In Defence of Secularism.' Trade union activist C.B. Venugopal translated the book, which was published by Samooh Books. Greater Cochin Development Authority Chairman K. Chandran Pillai presided. Critic M.K. Sanoo was present. Samooh president Joby John welcomed the gathering, and R. Minipriya, vice-president, delivered vote of thanks.
New Indian Express
35 minutes ago
- New Indian Express
Mahayuti govt to form committee on waiving farm loans after Kadu's hunger strike; opposition slams delay
MUMBAI: The Mahayuti government in Maharashtra has decided to constitute a committee to execute the decision of waiving farm loans. Prahar Sangthan leader and former minister Bacchu Kadu was on a hunger strike for the last seven days to press the demand of farm loan waiver. He said that during the assembly elections, the BJP-led Mahayuti had given the promise of farm loan waiver, but now they are dilly-dallying over it. Kadu said that after his hunger strike, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis called him and assured him that farm loans would be waived. However, the Chief Minister requested more time to study the issue, saying the state government is forming a committee. Meanwhile, Shiv Sena minister Uday Samant rushed to Amarawati to break Kadu's hunger strike by offering lime juice and handed over a letter promising the waiver of farm loans. Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde said the government is committed to waiving farm loans, but they need time to study and finalise the matter. He said that the Mahayuti government has already started various welfare schemes for farmers. 'Once we receive the committee report, we will start the farm loan waiver scheme in the state,' said Shinde. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis said that Kadu will also be part of the proposed farm loan waiver committee. Kadu said that if the Mahayuti government tries to betray the farmers, they will barge into Mantralaya and carry out protests on a large scale. Opposition leaders slammed the Mahayuti government for its announcement of forming a committee to waive farm loans. Congress leader Vijay Wadettiwar questioned why the Mahayuti needs to form a committee as they are in power and can make an announcement right away. He said that when the Maha Vikas Aghadi was in power, they waived farmers' loan without any delay and without any terms and conditions. Senior Congress leader Balasaheb Thorat said that farm loans should be waived without any ifs and buts. It should be a complete loan waiver as only then will farmers get real relief, he added.
