
Akali Dal accuses rebel Manpreet Ayali of irregularities
Shiromani Akali Dal
(SAD) leader Parambans Singh Romana on Wednesday challenged dissident party leader and Dakha legislator Manpreet Singh Ayali to deny the claims that he "got his land excluded from the land pooling scheme", while the adjoining land belonging to poor farmers was notified for acquisition.
Addressing a press conference, Romana said Ayali was "badly compromised" and became "totally silent on the AAP govt's land grabbing scheme whereby it wanted to take forcible possession of 24,000 acres of land in Ludhiana district alone because the govt adjusted him and excluded all land controlled by him from the scheme".
The SAD leader also asked Ayali to disclose what "settlement" he made with the AAP leadership to "secure this reprieve".
Showing documents and Google images, Romana alleged that a chunk of land adjacent to Avanta Enclave owned by the Ayali family and another chunk was left out of the ambit of the land pooling scheme, even as the adjoining land belonging to poor farmers was included in the scheme.
He also alleged that from another chunk of land comprising 20 acres, eight acres belonging to Ayali were left out of the land pooling scheme, even as the remaining 12 acres were notified for acquisition.
by Taboola
by Taboola
Sponsored Links
Sponsored Links
Promoted Links
Promoted Links
You May Like
Cyprus investments might surprise you
Cyprus Investments | Search Ads
Get Info
Undo
Romana also claimed that the AAP-led govt in Punjab was in possession of documents that proved Ayali's "illegal activities". "The Ayali family developed a colony – Avanta Enclave over 28 acres of land during the course of which it committed several illegalities, including a built-up area of 70% instead of 55% as mandated under law," he said.
The SAD leader said when a scheme was launched to get all illegal colonies that came up before 2018 regularised by paying a nominal fee of Rs 3 crore, Ayali submitted documents to claim that Avanta Greens was constructed in 2015.
Romana showed what he claimed were Google images from 2017, 2018, and 2019 when Avanta Enclave was a barren piece of land and from 2020 when kutcha roads first started being built in the Enclave.
He alleged: "Ayali procured stamps in back date to do agreements with his customers, but this scam was exposed when the vigilance department approached the customers. Now, the AAP govt has details of the entire scam, and CM Bhagwant Mann even referred to this during the Ludhiana West byelections to silence him."
Asking Ayali to prove him wrong, Romana said: "I challenge the leader to show one registry done to sell any one of the 93 plots in Avanta Enclave before 2018."
Romana further claimed: "Details are emerging that Ayali succeeded in getting his land parcels on Hambran road and Kail village excluded from the land pooling scheme. The SAD will release details of the same once the documents are in our possession."
Hitting out at Ayali, Romana said: "The badly compromised people are trying to mislead people by wearing the mask of Panth and are trying to weaken the Panth at the behest of the govt.
It was necessary to unmask them."
Ayali is a part of the five-member committee which has been carrying out an exercise to usher in a revived Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) "on the directions of the Akal Takht".
Ayali, when contacted, denied the allegations, saying that he was even open to a CBI inquiry. "Nearly all of my urban land is coming under the land pooling scheme; 150 acres of my land is coming under the land pooling scheme," Ayali said, denying that any of his land was excluded.
On allegations about a chunk of land adjacent to Avanta Enclave being excluded from the scheme, Ayali said the land being referred to was "reserved to develop commercial sites" in the approved colony and asked "how can that be included" in the land pooling scheme. "We will get this land passed as commercial," said Ayali.
On other alleged irregularities, Ayali said: "They may get a CBI inquiry done. Whatever license I got, I got it after the 2019 byelection.
I contested the byelection against the Congress govt at that time. Would they have left anything to do an inquiry against me? We have been fighting against the govts then and now also."
He said: "Vigilance inquiries were held by the previous Congress govt and now the AAP govt as well, and everything is verified."
On Google images, Ayali said: "Google images have no authenticity as these don't get updated for as long as three years.
Twenty-two departments made visits and submitted reports. Whatever GLADA (Greater Ludhiana Area Development Authority) asked, we submitted, and if there is even one document which is against the policy, let it be investigated."
Ayali said he had been vocal against the land pooling policy. "I was the first to speak against the land pooling policy. I participated in a dharna against the policy yesterday, and in Punjab Vidhan Sabha, except me, no one spoke against it."
MSID:: 123000410 413 |

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
&w=3840&q=100)

Business Standard
29 minutes ago
- Business Standard
Year after uprising, Bangladesh struggles to find political stability
Abdur Rahman Tarif was talking to his sister Meherunnesa over the phone when the voice on the other end of the call suddenly fell silent. In that moment, Tarif knew something bad had happened. He rushed home, dodging the exchange of fire between security forces and protesters on the streets of Dhaka. When he finally arrived, he discovered his parents tending to his bleeding sister. A stray bullet had hit Meherunnesa's chest while she was standing beside the window of her room, Tarif said. She was taken to a hospital where doctors declared her dead. Meherunnesa, 23, was killed on Aug 5 last year, the same day Bangladesh's former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was forced to flee the country in a massive student-led uprising, which ended her 15-year rule. For much of Bangladesh, Hasina's ouster was a moment of joy. Three days later, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus took over the country as head of an interim government, promising to restore order and hold a new election after necessary reforms. A year on, Bangladesh is still reeling from that violence, and Hasina now faces trial for crimes against humanity, in absentia as she is in exile in India. But despite the bloodshed and lives lost, many say the prospect for a better Bangladesh with a liberal democracy, political tolerance and religious and communal harmony has remained a challenge. The hope of the thousands who braved lethal violence a year ago when they opposed Sheikh Hasina's abusive rule to build a rights-respecting democracy remains unfulfilled, said Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch, a New York-based human rights group. Stalled change Bangladesh's anti-government movement exacted a heavy price. Hundreds of people, mostly students, were killed in violent protests. Angry demonstrators torched police stations and government buildings. Political opponents often clashed with each other, sometimes leading to gruesome killings. Like many Bangladeshis, Tarif and his sister took part in the uprising, hoping for a broader political change, particularly after when one of their cousins was shot and killed by security forces. "We could not stay home and wanted Sheikh Hasina to go, 20-year-old Tarif said. Ultimately we wanted a country without any discrimination and injustice. Today, his hopes lie shattered. We wanted a change, but I am frustrated now, he said. After taking the reins, the Yunus-led administration formed 11 reform commissions, including a national consensus commission that is working with major political parties for future governments and the electoral process. Bickering political parties have failed to reach a consensus on a timetable and process for elections. Mob violence, political attacks on rival parties and groups, and hostility to women's rights and vulnerable minority groups by religious hardliners have all surged. Some of the fear and repression that marked Hasina's rule, and abuses such as widespread enforced disappearances, appear to have ended, rights groups say. However, they accuse the new government of using arbitrary detention to target perceived political opponents, especially Hasina's supporters, many of whom have been forced to go into hiding. Hasina's Awami League party, which remains banned, says more than two dozen of its supporters have died in custody over the last one year. Human Rights Watch in a statement on July 30 said the interim government is falling short in implementing its challenging human rights agenda. It said violations against ethnic and other minority groups in some parts of Bangladesh have continued. The interim government appears stuck, juggling an unreformed security sector, sometimes violent religious hardliners, and political groups that seem more focused on extracting vengeance on Hasina's supporters than protecting Bangladeshis' rights, said Ganguly. Yunus' office routinely rejects these allegations. Growing political uncertainty Bangladesh also faces political uncertainty over a return to democratically held elections. Yunus has been at loggerheads with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, or BNP, now the main contender for power. The party headed by former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia has demanded elections either in December or February next year. Yunus has said they could be held in April. The interim government has also cleared the way for the Islamists, who were under severe pressure during Hasina's regime, to rise, while the student leaders who spearheaded the uprising have formed a new political party. The students' party demands that the constitution be rewritten, if needed entirely, and says it won't allow the election without major reforms. Meanwhile, many hardline Islamists have either fled prison or have been released, and the Jamaat-e-Islami, the country's largest Islamist party, which has a controversial past, is now aspiring to a role in government. It often bitterly criticizes the BNP, equating it with Hasina's Awami League, and recently held a massive rally in Dhaka as a show of power. Critics fear that greater influence of the Islamist forces could fragment Bangladesh's political landscape further. Any rise of Islamists demonstrates a future Bangladesh where radicalization could get a shape where so-called disciplined Islamist forces could work as a catalyst against liberal and moderate forces, political analyst Nazmul Ahsan Kalimullah said. Worries also remain over whether the government is ultimately capable of enacting reforms. People's expectation was (that) Yunus government will be focused and solely geared towards reforming the electoral process. But now it's a missed opportunity for them, Kalimullah said. A frustrated population For some, not much has changed in the last year. Meherunnesa's father, Mosharraf Hossain, said the uprising was not for a mere change in government, but symbolized deeper frustrations. We want a new Bangladesh It's been 54 years since independence, yet freedom was not achieved, he said. Tarif echoed his father's remarks, adding that he was not happy with the current state of the country. I want to see the new Bangladesh as a place where I feel secure, where the law enforcement agencies will perform their duties properly, and no government will resort to enforced disappearances or killings like before. I want to have the right to speak freely, he said. (Only the headline and picture of this report may have been reworked by the Business Standard staff; the rest of the content is auto-generated from a syndicated feed.)


Deccan Herald
29 minutes ago
- Deccan Herald
Despite HC order, Karnataka transport staff call bus strike from August 5
Bengaluru: Despite an interim order by Karnataka High Court, transport corporation employees across the state have decided to go on a strike from 6 am on Tuesday (August 5), likely disrupting bus services across the state. The Joint Action Committee of the Trade Unions of Karnataka State Road Transport Corporation pressed on with the strike after its marathon meeting with Chief Minister Siddaramaiah failed to resolve two contentious issues -- payment of 38 months' arrears amounting to Rs 1,785 crore and a 25 per cent pay hike from January 1, 2024. .We are prepared for protests on August 5: Karnataka HM G offered Rs 718 crore as arrears for 14 months (from January 1, 2022, to February 28, 2023), citing a July 2022 report by retired IAS officer M R Sreenivasa Murthy. KSRTC Managing Director Akram Pasha maintained that employees cannot go on the strike on Tuesday in view of the court order. As a plan B, the RTCs have roped in private players to operate bus services "anywhere they want" after the Transport Department issued an order under Section 66(1) of the Motor Vehicles Act, 1988. Private buses can charge fares along the lines of KSRTC and BMTC, he said. The Federation of Karnataka State Private Transport Associations has agreed to operate 4,000 buses, according to its president S Nataraj Sharma. The four RTCs are also roping in school and industrial buses. Pasha said RTC buses would also operate, with the strike having "only a 10-20 per cent impact". "We've also invoked the Essential Services Maintenance Act (ESMA). Employees cannot go on strike and we've cancelled their leave. Violations will result in disciplinary action," he told DH. The KSRTC and the BMTC urged employees to honour the court order and refrain from participating in the strike. Vijaya Bhaskar D A, general secretary of the KSRTC Staff And Workers' Federation acknowledged receiving the court order but said a decision on deferring the strike must be taken collectively by all six unions that are part of the joint action committee. "We received the court order late and could not decide. The strike is very much on,' he told DH. At the meeting, the CM called the demand for 38 months' arrears "unreasonable", noting that the government had implemented the 15 per cent pay hike only from March 1, 2023, based on the Sreenivasa Murthy report. .Karnataka Health Minister asks people not to be 'fooled' by attractive, colourful dishes."When we came to power (in 2023), the four RTCs had combined liabilities of Rs 4,000 crore. None of them is profitable. The government will not be unfair," he noted. He promised to discuss the pay hike after the legislative session and urged the unions to withdraw the strike. However, the committee representatives rejected the offer. Committee convenor H V Anantha Subbarao slammed the government, saying it cannot go back on arrears payments. He added that the 25 per cent hike would remain in effect until 2027. He said employees were "not afraid" of ESMA and were ready to go to jail. Bhaskar criticised the CM for asking them to withdraw the strike and come to a dialogue. "Talks can continue during the strike, too," he remarked. Pasha said the Sreenivasa Murthy report recommended against paying arrears for 24 months (2020 and 2021) due to Covid-19. He called the 25 per cent hike demand "too high". "The last raise was 15 per cent, which is above average. If the same is given, it will result in a financial burden of over Rs 1,700 crore. The four RTCs already have Rs 4,000 crore in liabilities towards PF payments, diesel expenditure, etc," he said.


New Indian Express
38 minutes ago
- New Indian Express
Operation Ghostbuster: Major General VK Dutta on the hunt he led for Rajiv Gandhi's assassins
Operation Ghostbuster. This was the codename given to the hunt for a five-foot-four-inch tall bespectacled 'one-eyed jack' after Rajiv Gandhi was blown up by a suicide bomber on May 21, 1991 at a rally in Tamil Nadu's Sriperumbudur. That 90-day manhunt to locate Sivarasan, who landed in Tamil Nadu with Rs 19 lakh worth of gold biscuits and a hit squad to take out the ex-Prime Minister, is back in the spotlight after The Hunt: The Rajiv Gandhi Assassination Case aired on OTT and began hogging attention. What drove the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to mount such an elaborate plot where they ended up putting the lives of so many of their committed cadres at risk without any certainty of success? What about the suicide bomber Dhanu? How did she participate in dry runs and then undertake a bus journey with plastic explosives (RDX) strapped to her body knowing she would have to embrace certain death? Didn't she flinch at all at any point? More importantly, how did the LTTE get hold of the RDX? And what about Sivarasan? Why did he linger on after May 21? Even make a trip to Tirupati in between. To thank gods or seek blessings for another mission? The 'ottrai kannu aasami' (one-eyed mastermind) as he came to be infamously known went into hiding only after a photo of Dhanu at Sriperumbudur on the fateful night appeared in a newspaper on May 29. This was eight days after the suicide bombing. A careful study of the archives reveal that it took a while for the Special Investigation Team to piece together what had happened after the bomb went off at around 10:20 pm on May 21, 1991. India hadn't seen a suicide bombing before that night. In fact, even war-torn Sri Lanka had only seen their first suicide bombing four years ago—in July 1987. Newspapers next day only spoke of Rajiv dying in an explosion. The fact that a suicide bomber was to blame would only be discovered thanks to Tamil Nadu's forensic chief, Professor P Chandra Sekharan. Thalaivar enge? Around two hours before the blast, Rajiv Gandhi had arrived—smile firmly in place—at the airport in Chennai and was greeted by a Tamil actress with a zari chawl, according to a report in our newspaper. He had proclaimed confidently that "there is no need for me to join hands with any party to form the government". But did he have a premonition of the fate that awaited him at Sriperumbudur? Neena Gopal, the last journalist to interview Rajiv, recently wrote in the of one of his last observations to her. "Have you noticed how every time any South Asian leader of import rises to a position of power or is about to achieve something for himself or his country, he/she is cut down, attacked, killed…? Look at Mrs Gandhi (his mother Indira), Sheikh Mujib, look at Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, at Zia-ul-Haq, (Srimavo) Bandaranaike," the ex-PM asked Neena. Minutes later, he had himself joined that list. The lack of security at Sriperumbudur was glaring. Our reports spoke of zero frisking and almost no metal detectors. This despite Palestine Liberation Organisation chief Yasser Arafat having delivered a warning of there being a threat to Rajiv's life. This despite the known antipathy of the LTTE towards the ex-PM ever since he had sent the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) to Sri Lanka in 1987. Tamil Nadu Congress Chief Vazhapadi Ramamurthy and GK Moopanar were among those running around in search for Rajiv shouting "Thalaivar enge?" (Where is our leader?) once they recovered from the shock of the blast that claimed as many as 16 lives. A lucky break and the hunt for the assassins The hunt that followed took off slowly. By July 1, a National Security Guard commando unit was put in charge of capturing Sivarasan, whose identification as the key conspirator and the team leader was set off by the chance discovery of a 35 mm Chinon camera belonging to Hari Babu. It's another matter that Hari Babu would turn out to be a man recruited by the LTTE's Nithrasanam (Reality) unit to document the assassination. But a 10-frame-sequence shot by the dead photographer in the immediate moments before the blast was pure investigation gold. Leading the crack unit assigned the responsibility of capturing the assassination mastermind Sivarasan and his team was the now retired Major General Vijay Kumar Dutta. Then a Colonel, he had known Rajiv Gandhi from 1984 when he was the head of the unit tasked with the new Prime Minister's security immediately after Indira Gandhi's assassination. "Rajiv was very pragmatic. Very upright. Very modern," recalls General Dutta, who was in charge of Rajiv's security during the latter's first six months as Prime Minister. He also recollected the late PM's love for driving and automobiles and of how he would stay awake till 3-4 am immersed in his work. "I believe Rajiv would have come back to power in that election if he had not been assassinated," he stresses. General Dutta, who lamented the withdrawal of the Special Protection Group cover for Rajiv after he stepped down as PM, went on to reveal how the team that carried out the hunt for the assassins was assembled. Six ranking officers, eight junior commissioned officers and 40 commandos, who went around in muftis and could melt into the crowd without attracting attention, were selected by him. General Dutta had told the then Home Minister SB Chavan that his team's aim was to capture Sivarasan alive. "But if the life of any of my commandos came under threat, I told him we will take the LTTE men out." The team had also been armed with an antidote to cyanide poisoning, "a first in the world but one that had to be administered intravenously within 30 seconds for it to take effect". It was a mission with no margins of error. Posters seeking information on Sivarasan were plastered everywhere, including behind buses and autorickshaws. General Dutta's team was flooded with hundreds of calls daily, even from people who wanted to settle a score with their neighbours, saying Sivarasan had been sighted at multiple addresses! "So, we decided to base our searches on the last confirmed location of Sivarasan. From there, we started drawing a circle of 250 kilometres radius and five hours. We decided that we will only concentrate on areas that fell within that radius while launching our searches," General Dutta remembers. "Even after this, we ended up carrying out three to four raids every day," he adds. Broke the backbone of the LTTE These raids saw us "slowly and gradually uprooting the entire LTTE network in Tamil Nadu", says General Dutta. One of the most interesting discoveries he recounts stumbling upon was of a LTTE grenade factory in Coimbatore. "This only happened because three boys on a motorcycle were intercepted by a traffic policeman. When they were caught, the boys tried to bribe that policeman with a large amount of money. This immediately aroused his suspicion. Why was he being offered so much? So, he informed the police, who found that these boys are from the LTTE. "Soon, the cops informed the Special Investigation Team who relayed the information to us. And you will be surprised. They were actually assembling hand grenades from parts manufactured in different factories. "Somewhere a trigger was being made. Somewhere the plastic body was being made. Somewhere the spring was being made. Somewhere the cap was being made. "No factory had the complete picture. They were each told these were vehicle spare parts. But when the whole thing was assembled, it turned into a lethal hand grenade. "That was the kind of ingenuity the LTTE had. They were using our infrastructure in Tamil Nadu, various small factories here and there and making stuff that served the military needs of the LTTE without any of these factories being the wiser of it," General Dutta remembers. He admits the LTTE also had a lot of ground-level sympathy. "There was definitely a lot of sympathy for the LTTE cadres because all said and done Sri Lanka was ill-treating Tamils there. They had a genuine cause for fighting for their rights," he observes. On the trail of Sivarasan and the final standoff The first major safe house that Sivarasan fled from was at 158, Muthamamil Nagar, Kodungaiyur in Chennai. After that he used many LTTE safe houses in Tamil Nadu. "Most of these safe houses were in newly-developed colonies and so people hadn't settled down there. It helped the LTTE get these houses at cheaper rates and also let their man stay under the radar," says General Dutta. Finally, when Sivarasan felt the hunt in Tamil Nadu was too hot to handle, he got into a tanker that was to take him to his final hideouts. "He was hidden in a capsule slipped into the tanker" and that was how the 'one-eyed jack' reached Bengaluru after travelling hundreds of kilometres. Finally, at the 'safe house' in Konanakunte outside Bengaluru a "milk vendor chanced upon Sivarasan" and informed the Karnataka police, who immediately reached the house and surrounded it. The commandos arrived at the house on August 19, but a 36-hour wait was to ensue. The reason cited was Colonel Dutta's absence. He had gone to Delhi for two days to oversee operations elsewhere. But as soon as he was informed by Captain Raveendran from his team that Sivarasan had been located, Colonel Dutta asked his director general to give them the go ahead for the storming of the safe house. Instead, he was told to get into a BSF Avro aircraft at the Palam airport from where he flew to Gwalior to pick up the cyanide antidote and reached Bengaluru at around 4:20-4:30 pm the next morning. As soon as he was at Konanakunte, Colonel Dutta ordered his team to storm the house. "It was a single-storey house with a roof at the top. From a neighbouring house, we placed a ladder to go over the roof. One entry from the front, one from the rear. We blew open the doors and entered. Sivarasan and the others were lying dead. Sivarasan had not only consumed cyanide, but also had a bullet in his head. He was not in disguise when we found him dead. So that is where the hunt for him came to an end," General Dutta recalls.