Elon Musk's 'Proof' of Government Waste Is in the Pudding
Earlier this week, Elon Musk appeared at the Oval Office with President Donald Trump; Musk's son, X Æ A-Xii, even made an appearance. Citing a desire for "maximum transparency," the tech billionaire discussed the efforts of his Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) to identify and eliminate waste, fraud, and abuse within the federal government.
Here was how The New York Times described the press conference: "In Oval Office, Musk Says Without Proof That Bureaucracy Is Rife With Fraud."
Later, the newspaper tweaked the headline to read: "At Oval Office, Musk Makes Broad Claims of Federal Fraud Without Proof."
To be maximally charitable to the Times, they did not actually state that claims of federal fraud are baseless, just that Musk failed to proffer examples. Musk did cite examples of government processes clearly in need of updating, including the infamous, inefficient limestone mine where government employee papers are kept—something that sounds completely ridiculous but actually exists.
Even so, the Times is clearly treating the claim that the bureaucracy is rife with fraud as extraordinary. And extraordinary claims do require evidence to back them up. It's not an extraordinary claim, however. It is already well established and documented. While the beneficiaries of the fraud are not typically the bureaucrats themselves—though this does happen—the opaque, inefficient, and duplicative processes of our massive federal government allow scammers to misappropriate public funds.
The government itself is aware that fraud exists at a massive scale. The Government Accountability Office (GAO) estimates that the federal government loses hundreds of billions of dollars each year due to fraud. Medicare-related fraud has permitted health care insurers to pocket $50 billion in reimbursements for diseases that doctors never treated. Fraudsters collected an estimated $135 billion in fraudulent COVID-19 unemployment payments, and unless Congress acts to extend the statute of limitations, this money will never be recouped by the government.
National security funds are routinely misspent or disappeared. The Pentagon has failed seven audits in a row and often can't account for missing money; last year, the Defense Department admitted that it lost $8.2 billion in Ukraine. The federal government spent $61 billion rebuilding Iraq: 15 percent of the funds were misspent, and another 10 percent simply disappeared, according to government auditors. In Afghanistan, it's much the same: The Taliban-controlled central bank is a recipient of U.S. funds.
To the mainstream media's credit, many of these frauds have been expertly and exhaustively covered by journalistic institutions. The Wall Street Journal, ProPublica, and yes, The New York Times, have done terrific work exposing financial impropriety within the federal government. That's why it's odd to see the Times glaring suspiciously at Musk, as if this is the claim that makes him some kind of wide-eyed conspiracy theorist. The fraud is real, and they know it!
I am joined by Amber Duke to discuss CNN's "constitutional crisis," Joy Reid's war on Musk, the gerontocracy, and Joe Rogan's latest advice for Democrats.
I am finally catching up on the final season of HBO's Search Party, which was released back in 2022. It's a black comedy satire of millennial eccentricities, starring Alia Shawkat of Arrested Development. The first season premiered in 2016, and I started watching it after briefly meeting Shawkat at a White House Correspondents' Dinner party. Shawkat portrays Dory Sief, who is investigating the disappearance of a college acquaintance. The initial premise is something along the lines of a whodunit, but later seasons involve much more outlandish plot lines: a murder trial, a kidnapping, and, finally, zombies. I have two more episodes to go, so I won't render a verdict yet.
The post Elon Musk's 'Proof' of Government Waste Is in the Pudding appeared first on Reason.com.
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Hamilton Spectator
20 minutes ago
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Mike Johnson downplays Musk's influence and says Republicans will pass Trump's tax and budget bill
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30 minutes ago
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She was quick to spit an online catchphrase: 'Oh man, the girls are fighting, aren't they?' The clip spread quickly on TikTok, where it was boosted by left-leaning talking heads and news accounts. Academic research on online algorithms has shown that social feeds often prioritize content that elicits fear or rage. High-profile fights can boost the power and profiles of people involved, as with the infamous internet feuds between Kim Kardashian and Kanye West or influencers Trisha Paytas and Ethan Klein, said Fiesler. But trending conflicts are also a boon to the second-order creators, who jump to offer 'side takes,' playing off the argument of the day to drive traffic to their own products and profiles. A divisive court battle between actress Amber Heard and her ex-husband Johnny Depp, for instance, spawned its own media ecosystem, with creators and channels dedicated entirely to dissecting the feud - at times even falsifying or exaggerating information to keep viewers hooked. 'This [Musk-Trump feud] is half my TikTok feed right now,' Fiesler said. 'The more that people talk about it, the more people feel obligated to talk about it and take sides.' It's a dynamic the principals in this fight have long since mastered. Vance posted on X on Thursday a picture of himself with the popular podcaster and comedian Theo Von, with the tongue-in-cheek caption, 'Slow news day, what are we even going to talk about?' Musk reposted it, adding a 'laughter' emoji. Under Musk's ownership, X has lost advertisers and users turned off by his politics and lax approach to hate speech, with rivals such as Bluesky and Meta's Threads siphoning left-leaning users in particular. Now he risks alienating Trump loyalists. But in the meantime, even critics of his leadership of X acknowledged Thursday that it seemed to have 'the juice' - that is, it was driving the conversation - at least for the moment. 'A public blowup between the world's richest man and the president of the U.S. is hard for people to resist witnessing first-hand, even for those that may not regularly use X,' said Jasmine Enberg, vice president and principal analyst at eMarketer, a market research firm. 'That said, our media usage is so fragmented and we're being bombarded with the news from every channel that it's not likely to be significant or sustainable.' Truth Social, meanwhile, has become an increasingly important component of Trump's communication strategy, with the self-styled influencer-in-chief firing off a steady stream of posts - at times dozens a day - lauding his own actions or taking aim at rivals. White House employees and right-leaning creators then spread the posts to other platforms, broadening Truth Social's reach and influence even as the platform underperforms compared with X, Threads or Bluesky. (Sensor Tower estimates X has about 100 times more active users.) The Trump-Musk brouhaha exemplifies how online influencer culture has permeated politics, said Renée DiResta, a professor at Georgetown University's McCourt School of Public Policy and the author of 'Invisible Rulers.' 'Online beefing is not about winning - it's a kind of performance,' she said. The interactive nature of social media allows the audience to get in on the action. 'We pick sides, cheer for our champion and keep the fight going. We make memes - we can grab some attention for ourselves and help shape the fight if we make good ones.' But what might be harmless fun in the case of celebrity gossip, she said, has a darker side when the warring parties are among the world's most powerful people. 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