Libya clashes point to growing power of Turkey-allied PM Dbeibah
By
The killing of a powerful militia leader in the Libyan capital on Monday night sparked hours of intense clashes that drove his group from its main stronghold and may prompt a consolidation of power among armed factions aligned with the Tripoli government.
The death of Abdulghani Kikli, a militia leader who had controlled swathes of Tripoli for years, could also have repercussions for the stability of the wider region.
Major energy exporter Libya, long split between rival eastern and western factions, is a jumping off point for migrants crossing the Mediterranean and a battleground for rival regional powers, drawing in Russia, Turkey, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates.
Following Kikli's death, the government of national unity (GNU) announced the completion of a security operation against what Prime Minister Abdulhamid al-Dbeibah called irregular armed groups.
Gunmen loyal to Kikli, widely known by his nickname Ghaniwa, ran prisons and occupied government ministries and financial institutions.
"Ghaniwa was de facto king of Tripoli. His henchmen controlled the internal security agency. Other henchmen controlled the distribution of cash transfers from the central bank. They controlled numerous public companies and ministries," said Tarek Megerisi of the European Council on Foreign Relations.
Consolidation of power in Tripoli would strengthen Turkish ally Dbeibah and the GNU after repeated attempts to replace him by force over recent years while bolstering his position in an overarching rivalry with eastern Libya factions.
Late on Monday, after rising tension between armed factions, pictures circulated online showing Kikli's blood-smeared body with a handgun lying by his hand.
Reuters could not verify the circumstances of Kikli's death or confirm the veracity of the pictures showing his body, but his face was widely recognised and fighting erupted across Tripoli soon after they circulated.
Factions under Dbeibah's GNU rapidly seized territory and bases long held by Kikli's Security Stabilisation Apparatus (SSA) group, including the Abu Salim district, its old powerbase.
With Kikli's downfall, factions that come under the Defence Ministry and are aligned with Dbeibah, principally the 444 Brigade under Mahmoud Hamza, the 111 Brigade and the Joint Force from Misrata, may gain a bigger role.
Consolidation by Dbeibah allies could result in Western Libya starting to more closely resemble the east, where commander Khalifa Haftar seized control a decade ago after eliminating rivals and forcing other groups under his sway.
"This paves the way for unprecedented levels of territorial consolidation in Tripoli and an increasingly smaller number of groups," said Emad Badi, a senior fellow with the Atlantic Council.
Fragmentation
Libya's energy facilities are mostly located in areas controlled by Haftar and Monday night's clashes seem unlikely to impact output.
Tripoli was calm on Tuesday, witnesses said, while fighters from the 444 and 111 Brigades were visible on Tuesday morning around the city centre and at the SSA's former Abu Salim headquarters, where its insignia had been erased.
Fighters from a group allied to the SSA had meanwhile disappeared from the area around the Central Bank of Libya, which they had controlled security access to since last year.
Libya has had little peace since a 2011 uprising against long-time autocrat Muammar Gaddafi and it split in 2014 between warring eastern and western factions. While Haftar unified groups in the east, control in Tripoli in the west remained splintered among rival armed groups.
Dbeibah was installed as prime minister in 2021 as part of a U.N.-backed process aimed at holding elections later that year. But the election process collapsed and he remains in power, though challenged by an eastern-based parliament.
Several efforts to replace him by force failed after clashes in Tripoli, and two years ago groups aligned with him ousted another major armed group, the Nawasi militia.
"Dbeibah has been a frustrated leader who had to cohabit with challengers inside Tripoli. He's sending a message he's not going anywhere and Haftar should respect him," said Jalel Harchaoui of the Royal United Services Institute.
The main remaining Tripoli armed faction seen as not closely aligned with Dbeibah is the Security Deterrence Force, widely known as Rada, which controls the main Mitiga Airport and other parts of the city centre.
Kikli was a baker in 2011 when the Arab Spring sparked the uprising against Gaddafi and he rallied neighbours in his Abu Salim district to take over a local army barracks.
As Libya fragmented, Kikli and his expanding group emerged as one of the most powerful of the country's warring armed factions, holding strategically valuable positions around Tripoli and seizing state institutions.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

IOL News
7 hours ago
- IOL News
How Ukraine's drone attacks jeopardise peace efforts with Russia
Since the outbreak of the war, the US has been the biggest supporter of Ukraine through military hardware, capital injection and international diplomatic offensive that has seen Ukraine's now acting President Volodymyr Zelensky treated with pomp and ceremony across many capitals, particularly in Europe. Image: Tetiana Dzhafarova / AFP IN a much-anticipated telephone call this week, US President Donald Trump was at pains explaining to his Russian counterpart, President Vladimir Putin, that Washington absolutely had nothing to do with Ukraine's astoundingly provocative drone attacks on five Russian airbases. The airbases, attacked simultaneously, house Russia's strategic bomber fleet. The attacks appear to put a spanner in the works for Trump's strenuous efforts to broker a peace deal between Moscow and Kyiv. The timing is also curious. The well-orchestrated drone attacks took place at a time when the light at the end of the tunnel was beginning to beam with brightness. Despite the deep-seated mistrust and tension between the two next-door neighbours who've been at war since February 2022, the latest round of rare face-to-face talks between the two nations has taken place in the Turkish capital, Istanbul. Trump had been visibly encouraged by their direct negotiations, which resulted in the mass exchange of prisoners of war. A leading German-based civil society organisation, the Schiller Institute, has been vehemently campaigning for an end to the war, actively supporting dialogue in an effort to give peace a chance. Responding to Ukraine's provocative attack on Russia on June 1, Dennis Small of the Schiller Institute wrote: 'Whether 40% or only 10% of Russia's airborne nuclear capability was destroyed in the attack is irrelevant; the fact is that whoever prepared, trained and gave the final green light for Kiev's drone operation was itching to unleash a nuclear-strategic conflict between the world's two greatest nuclear weapons superpowers.' Trump told Putin that the White House was not even given any prior warning about the attacks. Therefore, like most of the international community, Washington was caught off guard, totally taken by surprise. Now, since the outbreak of the war, the US has been the biggest supporter of Ukraine through military hardware, capital injection and international diplomatic offensive that has seen Ukraine's now acting President Volodymyr Zelensky treated with pomp and ceremony across many capitals, particularly in Europe. NATO has also been visible and loud in defence of Ukraine, supplying intelligence and weaponry to Kyiv, among others. All this support was provided on the back of the imposition of an unprecedented barrage of economic sanctions on Moscow. As things were, the entire script was written by Trump's predecessor, Joe Biden, who had vowed that the West would support Ukraine 'for as long as it takes'. When Biden and his Democrats lost the elections last November, Trump's Republican Party was determined to end the war in Ukraine. 'This is a war that would never have started if I were in office,' Trump has said repeatedly. It is therefore no wonder that since assuming office at the beginning of 2025, Trump has prioritised peace in Ukraine. He came into office at a time of great antagonism and mistrust between Washington and Moscow. In the midst of it all, he managed to re-establish contact with the Kremlin, leading to the accentuation of bilateral diplomacy between the two nuclear powers. Through it all, some in Europe had not been too pleased about the looming brokering of peace between Ukraine and Russia. Key EU powers in the form of the UK, France and Germany have publicly displayed displeasure at Trump's approach and efforts. As Washington was pushing too hard to bring a reluctant Zelensky to the negotiating table, the three European powers stated above were actively mobilising for an 'alternative' approach. They birthed a curious idea labelled a 'Coalition of the Willing', a military force to be deployed to Ukraine in the event Trump succeeded with his peace mission. Their rationale is premised on their deep mistrust of Russia that borders on downright Russophobia. They claim that their mooted indefinite military presence inside Ukraine would deter Russia from attacking Ukraine again. The EU's biggest powers are trapped in the Joe Biden war-mongering era that has passed. They speak of no approach to peace, nor how they could engage with Russia at the negotiating table to reach an amicable settlement to the war. Of great interest, the pro-war EU states want Trump's US to guarantee what they call a back-stop, some military assurance that in an event of confrontation with Russia, whilst 'guarding' Ukraine, the US would jump in to defend their Coalition of the Willing. Of course, Trump has already disappointed most of the war-mongering European powers by expressing no taste for military activities inside Ukraine post-war. Trump's offer of a guarantee for the protection of Ukraine will instead come in the form of the economic deal between Kyiv and Washington that includes rare earth minerals. The minerals would contribute toward Ukraine repaying the US for the unconditional assistance Zelensky received during the tenure of Biden, which totalled several billions of dollars. Ukraine's audacious drone attacks of recent days beg for more questions. For instance, where does Zelensky get the guts to launch such a sensitive attack on Russia without informing the White House? As the Schiller Institute puts it: 'Who has the (usurped) power to launch an attack targeting the nuclear deterrent forces of the planet's leading nuclear weapons nation, without telling the of the United States?' Clearly, and surely, an attack of that kind and magnitude would inevitably and logically trigger a response? The Zelensky regime is not politically naive to be unaware of the consequential ramifications of their actions, but then, what is the end-game? The Schiller Institute's conclusion is rather ominous. It read: 'The world may have dodged the bullet of nuclear war — for the moment. But that gun is still loaded, and it is still being wielded by the British and American intelligence circles that are intent on driving a permanent wedge between Trump and Putin, and who are prepared to stage a coup d'état and even assassinate both heads of state, as well as launch another nuclear provocation.' I believe that the UK, France and Germany, that is now under the war-mongering Chancellor Friedrich Merz, need to be confronted by Washington to come out clean about their role in ordering or advising Kiev to attack Russia in this manner. Trump and Putin spoke by phone for one hour and 15 minutes in the aftermath of the attacks. Trump said afterwards: 'We discussed the attack on Russia's docked aeroplanes, by Ukraine,' he posted on his Truth Social account on June 4, adding: 'It was a good conversation, but not a conversation that will lead to immediate Peace. Putin did say, and very strongly, that he will have to respond to the recent attack on the airfields.' In my book, that's the scary part indeed!

IOL News
21 hours ago
- IOL News
Elon Musk's influence on Trump: A closer look at the Afrikaner genocide debate
US president Donald Trump shakes hands with billionaire businessman Elon Musk on May 30 before their public feud. Image: Allison Robbert / AFP The public fallout between US President Donald Trump and South African-born billionaire Elon Musk is not bothering one of the political parties in the Government of National Unity (GNU). Trump and Musk took to their social media platforms this week over differences in his administration's spending. Musk stated that Trump would not have won the 2024 presidential elections without his campaign spending hundreds of US dollars. Freedom Front Plus leader Dr Corné Mulder said he did not believe the approach by Trump or his administration would be changed due to the bitter feud and affect its response to allegations of 'genocide' against white Afrikaner farmers in South Africa. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Mulder was responding to questions about whether the fallout could see Trump dramatically changing his views on the white Afrikaner genocide in South Africa. Musk is widely regarded as a person who wielded immense influence on Trump. 'It is incorrect to assume that US foreign policy is based on the influence of specific individuals. Unhappiness with SA is not something new. Even during the (Joe) Biden administration, a bipartisan bill was introduced in the US Congress to relook the US-SA relationship,' he said. Political analyst Professor Dirk Kotzé said Musk has in the past been influential in these issues, but there are many other South Africans who are also influential and close to Trump. 'So it will not necessarily change this matter, I don't think Musk was the one who dealt with or promoted the issue of genocide necessarily, he was more there in terms of black economic empowerment and employment equity and those government policies that he criticised, so he will continue with that until there is an agreement about Starlink,' Kotzé explained. He added: 'When it comes to the Afrikaner issues and what is called genocide, I don't think he was ever a key person in that, I think that is more where the conservatives – AfriForum, Solidarity, (South African-born American conservative political commentator and radio host) Joe Pollak and others – came in to promote that idea.' Kotzé said his understanding is that there has been a smaller, second group that went to the US after the earlier AfriForum-Solidarity delegation, but without any public attention because it created much more disturbances within US politics in general. 'So I think it has become a controversial issue in the US, and Trump wants to avoid that. I can see that this is not going to be a public project in the future, it is not something they will announce in the media, welcome them, and have public events,' he predicted. Kotzé also anticipates that this initiative or project will, over time, actually slow down. 'I don't see it developing strong momentum that it will be something very prominent in the future. I think it is going to disappear over time,' he said.

TimesLIVE
a day ago
- TimesLIVE
GNU ministers spent R200m of taxpayers' money on travelling since taking office
Ministers in the government of national unity (GNU) have spent more than R200m on travel expenses since July last year. This was revealed by ActionSA through its GNU performance tracker after receiving replies to parliamentary questions sent to ministers. This week, the party said Deputy President Paul Mashatile and his staff splurged more than R2m on travel expenses for transport and accommodation since last year. In a written reply, Mashatile said he has been on four international trips - to Ireland, Botswana, Zimbabwe and, recently, Japan. A total of R613,214 was spent on flights, R1,235,569 on accommodation and R410,926 for ground transport for all trips. Other costs included laundry services at R8,033 and R51,393 for restaurant services. ActionSA MP Alan Beesley criticised the spending, calling it 'executive indulgence' and 'wasteful expenditure'. 'This sort of wasteful expenditure, an extension of ANC excess now rebranded under the GNU, has become business as usual for the world's most bloated executive,' Beesley said. 'South Africans deserve leadership that puts people before perks and not a R200m travel spree by the world's largest cabinet.' The sport, arts and culture department's travel expenses have also raised concern. Minister Gayton McKenzie said he and his staff undertook 11 international trips costing more than R2m. R164,556 was paid for a trip to Burkina Faso that never took place. 'Not only is this spending exorbitant, but it is riddled with red flags, gaps and inconsistencies. The public paid for flights and accommodation for an event that was abandoned, a textbook case of wasteful expenditure, as defined by the Public Finance Management Act. 'Unless the minister can demonstrate that this loss was unavoidable and efforts were made to recover the funds, this reflects a serious failure of financial oversight and internal control.' ActionSA has introduced the Enhanced Cut Cabinet Perks Bill to address unchecked government spending. 'This bill seeks to slash ministerial perks and restore much-needed fiscal discipline.'