
From reviving religious places to Op Sindoor, govt has been drawing inspiration from Ahilyabai Holkar's life: Adityanath
He also said India's strong reply to Pakistan through Operation Sindoor after the Pahalgam terror attack was inspired by the principles of self-defence espoused by the Maratha ruler.
Speaking at an event in Agra held under the ongoing 'Punyashlok Lokmata Janma Trishatabdi Varsh Smriti Abhiyan – 2025', the chief minister said: 'During the Mughal period, when foreign invaders destroyed and corrupted the symbols of India's identity and faith, especially the temples, Devi Ahilyabai did the great work of their revival two and a half centuries ago.'
'She renovated many religious places, including Puri's Jagannath Temple, Gaya Temple, Kashi Vishwanath Temple, Kedarnath Dham, Mahakal Temple, Omkareshwar Temple, Somnath Temple, Bhimashankar Temple, and Rameswaram Temple with her personal funds instead of using state assets… She lived for only 70 years, but her personality remains a beacon of inspiration,' Adityanath said.
Adityanath started his speech by addressing Agra as 'Brajbhoomi' and described it as a historical land that was graced by Lord Krishna's presence.
Vice-President Jagdeep Dhankhar, his wife Sudesh Dhankhar, and Haryana Governor Bandaru Dattatreya also attended the event, organised by Union Minister SP Singh Baghel.
Stating that Ahilyabai Holkar's contributions to women, artisans, farmers, youth, security, and India's cultural heritage remain unforgettable and commendable, he said the double-engine government' key welfare schemes, such as Lakhpati Didi, Beti Bachao Beti Padhao, Matru Vandana Yojana, and the Atmanirbhar Bharat campaign draw inspiration from Lokmata's life.
He added that Ahilyabai Holkar had empowered the Malwa kingdom with self-defence capabilities—an approach that resonates in India's modern military actions.
'Today, our armed forces strike back with strength, as seen in surgical and air strikes against terrorism. When Pakistan supports terrorists, India responds across the border. Our air force even destroyed their air defense system—this resolve draws inspiration from Lokmata's visionary legacy,' he said.
'When under the leadership of Prime Minister Modi, the brave Indian jawans destroyed the air defence system of Pakistan through Operation Sindoor… compelled the enemy to bow, it was inspired by the actions and principles of self-defence that the Lokmata espoused during her reign,' Adityanath said, adding that no force can stop a society inspired by its national heroes, and cited Ahilyabai Holkar's life as a shining example.
The chief minister also announced that a medical college in Auraiya has been named after Lokmata Ahilyabai Holkar.
Hitting out at the previous Samajwadi Party government, Adityanath said: 'In the past, some people used to change the name of the degree college built in her (Holkar's) name, but we are honouring her legacy. Today, the double-engine government has named the medical college in Auraiya after Lokmata.
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Hans India
an hour ago
- Hans India
Rajasthan sarpanches express gratitude to PM Modi for their I-Day experience at Red Fort
Sarpanches from the border areas of Barmer, Jaisalmer, Bikaner and Ganganagar were invited to the Red Fort in the national capital on the occasion of Independence Day on August 15 (Friday). Those present at the Red Fort on Friday shared their experience on Sunday. The sarpanches said they never thought that they would be called to Delhi and felicitated. They also thanked Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BSF. The Border Security Force (BSF) carried out innovative initiatives on the occasion of Independence Day celebrations. Under this, along with BSF jawans at the border, the young public representatives who were always ready to serve the country were always invited as special guests. They got the opportunity to participate as special guests at the Red Fort. The aim of this initiative is to honour the public representatives. BSF IG Madanlal Garg said that the government had launched a vibrant village scheme, under which the village should be strengthened and the people of the village get employment in the village itself, and they should not go elsewhere. According to a statement, more than 220 schemes of Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led government are being 100 per cent implemented in Vibrant Villages. Vibrant Village Programme is proving to be a milestone in addressing the problem of migration from border villages. Sarpanch Bhartharam of Navatla Bakhasar village in Barmer district, sarpanch of Kanwarpura in Sri Ganganagar district, Sanjana, sarpanch of 22 KYD in Bikaner district, and Geet Kanwar, Sarpanch of Myajlar in Jaisalmer district, had received special invitations. BSF IG Madanlal Garg told the media that during Operation Sindoor, it was our responsibility to protect the people living in the border area. These people were also associated with us during this time. Their ability to stay at the border is unique. He said that the village residents "supported us during Operation Sindoor... there was no need to evacuate the village". One sarpanch each from villages in four districts of the border was selected to be called to Delhi. Sarpanches were called under the Centre's Vibrant Village Scheme. The Vibrant Village Scheme aims to develop the villages across the border areas. Through skill development, scope for new employment opportunities is aimed to be created so that the people of the village do not need to go to urban areas in search of employment. Sanjana, 22 KYD Sarpanch, Bikaner district, said: 'We were called to honour on the occasion of Independence Day. It was a great idea to meet PM Modi. Travelled in his life for the first time in an airplane." Bhartharam, Sarpanch of Navatla Bakhasar village in Barmer district, told IANS that it was a great experience. "During Operation Sindoor, we encouraged the BSF, so we were called to Delhi on Independence Day. It is a matter of great pride for all of us. We never thought we would get a chance to travel." Sarpanch Geeta Kanwar said: "I feel proud that on August 15, PM Modi extended an invitation. The BSF made quite good arrangements to take us to Delhi. It was good to listen to the Prime Minister's speech at the Red Fort. I thank PM Modi for inviting us."


NDTV
4 hours ago
- NDTV
Yogi Adityanath Government's 'School Pairing' Policy Sparks Political Row In Uttar Pradesh
What began as an administrative exercise to merge under-enrolled schools in Uttar Pradesh has snowballed into a veritable political flashpoint, sparking protests, poster wars, FIRs and heated exchanges in the state's Assembly. The "school pairing" policy announced in June by the Adityanath government, seeks to merge more than 10,000 primary and upper primary schools with fewer than 50 students into nearby institutions, usually within the one-kilometre radius. Officials say the move will strengthen infrastructure, ensure adequate teacher strength and provide larger peer groups for students, but the Opposition brands it "a disguised closure" of government schools that will push marginalised and rural children out of the education system. Over the past six weeks, the issue has refused to fade, surviving courtroom scrutiny, a government clarification blitz, multiple street protests, FIRs against political workers and poster wars. The issue flagged by opposition in the recently concluded session of the Uttar Pradesh Assembly also led to heated discussions, with Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath stoutly defending the decision. The policy followed a sharp decline in government school enrolments after the COVID pandemic. In 2022-23, enrolments stood at 1.92 crore, but have since dropped to just more than one crore in the current academic session. Additional Chief Secretary (Basic Education) Deepak Kumar said the move follows models in Himachal Pradesh and Gujarat and is in line with the National Education Policy 2020. The policy also faced legal challenges but the Allahabad High Court dismissed the pleas, ruling that the Act allows flexibility and has no evidence of rights violations. While the government won in court, it continues to battle political barbs. Opposition campaign against the move spearheaded by Samajwadi Party (SP) chief Akhilesh Yadav has found support from nearly all opposition, including Congress, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), and the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). Yadav has branded the move a "deep-rooted conspiracy" to deprive PDA (Backward classes, Dalits, and minorities) of education and, by extension, their political voice. "What kind of Ram Rajya is this? Close the schools, open the liquor shops," read an SP poster in Lucknow. In rural areas, SP workers have launched "PDA Pathshalas" -- informal teaching centres for children whose schools have been merged. Some of these centres featured "politicised alphabets" such as "A for Akhilesh" and "M for Mulayam Singh Yadav," prompting the government to accuse the party of misusing children for propaganda. FIRs have been filed against SP leaders in Saharanpur, Varanasi, Mau, Prayagraj, and Lucknow for running these "unauthorised" classes. The SP calls this harassment, while the government insists it is necessary to protect children's education from politicisation. The AAP too has joined the fray, with Rajya Sabha MP Sanjay Singh launching a "school bachao" campaign under the slogan "Madhushala nahi, pathshala chahiye (Not liquor shops, we want schools)." "We are holding protest rallies in several districts against the move. Locals who have been affected are also joining us and we will continue to raise the issue in coming days to ensure these people get justice," Singh told PTI adding that the party will make it an issue in upcoming Panchayat polls. The BJP countered the allegations by putting up posters in Lucknow on the first day of the Assembly session, targeting SP's "PDA Pathshala" campaign. Sponsored by BJP MLC and state general secretary Subhash Yaduvansh, the posters claimed to expose the "dark truth" of the initiative, alleging that SP's PDA Pathshalas were teaching "A for Akhilesh and D for Dimple." The BJP has sought an apology from the SP chief, asking which parent in the state would want their child to be taught such a curriculum. Under growing pressure, the state's Basic Education Minister Sandeep Singh and other BJP leaders rolled out pressers and clarifications, insisting that no school is being permanently shut and that mergers only apply to institutions with less than 50 students. "If a merger creates commuting difficulties, it can be reversed. Vacated buildings will be converted into Bal Vatikas (pre-primary schools) by August 15. No teacher posts will be abolished; new appointments will be made if needed to maintain the pupil-teacher ratio," Singh clarified in a press conference. Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath also waded into the debate in the Assembly, dismissing the "closure" charge and framing the policy as part of a broader education modernisation drive. "Before 2017, government schools lacked basic infrastructure, and dropout rates were among the highest in the country," he said. "Today, we are integrating campuses to maintain a 22:1 student-teacher ratio and provide better facilities. This is strengthening education, not weakening it," he asserted. The chief minister further announced the rollout of LKG, UKG, and nursery classes in government schools, alongside a Rs 100 crore nutrition mission for malnourished children. The policy dominated proceedings in the Monsoon Session, with SP legislators accusing the government of reducing educational access instead of expanding it. Leader of Opposition Mata Prasad Pandey alleged that 29,000 schools had been merged and 10,000 closed, claiming this was a deliberate attempt to deprive the poor of education. SP MLAs also linked the issue to broader accusations that the BJP is neglecting job creation and rural development, with Adityanath countering it by accusing the SP of running a "copying mafia" during its tenure and ignoring infrastructure needs. Mixed reactions are seen in villages with some parents seeing the potential benefits of better facilities and larger peer groups while others worry about safety and dropout risks when children have to travel two or three kilometres to school. Teachers, especially in villages, warn that the distance will weaken their ability to encourage attendance through personal outreach. "Once schools are far away, that connection is lost," a teacher from teacher told PTI, saying that he fears that many children will simply drop out. Education access remains a politically potent theme, particularly among rural and marginalised voters. For the Samajwadi Party, framing the policy as an attack on PDA communities ties directly into its core electoral pitch. The pairing exercise is happening simultaneously in thousands of villages, creating repeated local flashpoints. With panchayat and Assembly elections still ahead, the Opposition appears determined to keep the issue simmering. The SP's PDA Pathshala campaign continues despite police action, while the BJP is using the Assembly and government briefings to project the move as progressive and in line with national education reforms. The government plans to complete the pairing process within weeks and whether that will quiet the political noise, however, remains uncertain.

The Wire
4 hours ago
- The Wire
Modi's I-Day Speech Shows It Is No Longer Ideas or Hope but Hate That Excites His Supporters
But the PM's words do not merely evoke disquiet – they are actually dangerous, and their consequences are borne by Muslims and Christians. Listening to Narendra Modi's speeches is nothing less than a trial. And an ordeal. How can anyone endure nearly two hours of such tedium, a speech full of falsehood, empty boasts, puffed-up bravado that – most pernicious of all – is saturated with the poison of hatred? But why are these speeches delivered with such audacity, repeated for 11 years? If they continue, and the speaker thinks that there are people ready to receive them, the responsibility lies not only with the speaker but even more so with those who keep listening to such demagoguery. For, in truth, it is we who have allowed this. We have sustained – and re-elected, not once but twice, this man as our prime minister for over a decade. We have done so fully aware that his only mastery lies in one trade: the trade of hate. Perhaps we tolerate Modi's bluster, his swagger, his lies, because behind all of it lies a single undiluted truth that we love and want: this hatred. In the official press release that followed his speech, the Prime Minister's Office spoke of fortifying our defences with an expanded security envelope, of fostering strategic sectors, of repeating the mantra of an 'Atmanirbhar Bharat' in technology and industry. Youth and entrepreneurs were urged to embrace swadeshi. All this is stale stuff. Those fortunate enough to secure employment in the private sector were promised Rs 15,000 – a sum intended to absolve the government of its fundamental responsibility to provide work. It is now for you to secure work, and if you are lucky enough, then the government rewards you with a paltry sum of Rs 15,000. But the central point of the speech was Operation Sindoor and a demographic task force. Operation Sindoor was presented as a watershed moment in the history of independent India, a new normal in the war against terrorism. Or against Pakistan. And yet, we know that respected security experts have called it a costly and pointless folly. India failed to mobilise support for this foolhardiness even after spreading scores of MPs across the world. It left India looking pitiable. Defence experts warned that calling this 'new normal' a doctrine was not bold – it was dangerous. What he is promising to his constituents is a continuous war. Only that will keep them enthralled. A social activist and blood campaigner makes a portrait of Prime Minister Narendra Modi using blood at a demonstration organised to celebrate 'Operation Sindoor', in Bhopal, Saturday, May 10, 2025. Photo: PTI. An official press release talked about the mundane: 'Prime Minister's address focussed on self-reliance, innovation and citizen empowerment … Every Indian must contribute to nation-building, whether by buying India-made products or participating in scientific, technological and entrepreneurial ventures to ensure a prosperous, powerful and Viksit Bharat by the nation's centenary of independence.' These phrases – self-reliance, 'Vocal for Local', indigenous and so on – have been repeated ad nauseam over the last 11 years and they have worn thin. Modi's record is stuck, static – the needle refuses to move forward. These words no longer excite his supporters – they know that they are recited as ritual. What can move them, then? Not ideas. Not hope. The only thing cutting through this tedium is hatred – each shot a higher dose than the last. But these words have to be spoken, for his civilised apologists to find something positive in his speech, the mainstay of which is actually division and hatred. That hatred becomes a stimulant, injecting enthusiasm into his disheartened audience. Their blood pulses faster; life recedes until it finds purpose again in rage. Long ago, Sonia Gandhi called Modi the 'merchant of death'. She was criticised – but the sobriquet fits, because the result of this hatred is indeed death. After his coronation as the promoter of hate in 2014, Pune witnessed the murder of Mohsin Sheikh. His killers gloated, 'the first wicket has fallen'. That was but the beginning. Death and destruction have followed in a daily, unrelenting stream. Muslims and Christians are the targets of that hatred – and they alone bear its consequences. Most Hindus don't even notice. When Muslims or Christians object, they are told: 'You are over-sensitive, too touchy, too fragile, too reactive. You are making a mountain out of a molehill.' But the BJP leaders – including Modi – and dozens more associated with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) promote hate and violence day in and day out. Their foot soldiers execute violence across India. And now, the state – its police, its bureaucracy – has joined in, emboldened by the prime minister and the chief ministers, confident that this is now the state policy. Worse, many in the police and the administrative ranks themselves believe in the ideology of hate. After Modi's coronation as the promoter of hate in 2014, death and destruction have followed in a daily, unrelenting stream. Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty. The courts, too, remain indifferent, as if violence against Muslims or Christians is no big deal. The media marches ahead – in both promoting and legitimising this hatred and violence. Yet hate wounds even the hater – it just reveals itself much later. Initially, the hater feels powerful. History is witness to this – and yet, how rare it is for us to learn from distant countries. We believe that by understanding the price the German people paid for choosing Hitler, we will save ourselves – a naivety. When, after 1945, Germany emerged from Hitler's terror and declared 'never again', it was not just a declaration for themselves – the world needed to hear it. India, in arrogance, believed that we too were immune to the charms of demagogues like Hitler. But there was an organisation – the RSS – that claimed inspiration from Hitler and Mussolini. And among its members is one Modi. In 2025, the RSS completes a century of existence. It has been complicit in inciting violence against Muslims – before and after independence. The organisation keeps no records of its members, so it can always distance itself from their actions – yet everyone knows its role. Former members have testified how the RSS has plotted violence. The RSS isn't just one organisation: the Vishva Hindu Parishad, the Bajrang Dal and the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad are its branches. Evidence of their involvement in violence across India stretches decades back. On Independence Day, the prime minister sang the RSS's praises. For him, a volunteer, it was natural – maybe even right. But he is the prime minister of India. That the chief of the state should engage in such praise of an organisation which has a Hindu rashtra as its ideal is shameful. Modi spoke about 'infiltrators' in fierce terms in his speech, saying: 'Under a deliberate conspiracy, the country's demography is being changed … infiltrators are stealing the livelihoods of our youth … targeting our daughters and sisters … deceiving innocent Adivasis and seizing their land … this will not be tolerated … when demographic shifts occur near our borders, they become a threat to national security, sow social discord … no country can hand itself over to infiltrators … that is why I announce from the Red Fort: we have decided to launch a high‑power demography mission … this mission will address the grave crisis.' This is not the first time. Since 2013, the fear of infiltrators has been planted in the Hindu psyche. In the Jharkhand elections, he talked again of outsiders eyeing Adivasi land and women. In Bihar, voter roll purges in the name of a special intensive revision (SIR) justified as removing infiltrators was deemed necessary. Today, every Bengali-speaking Muslim is branded an infiltrator. The prime minister's words could fuel this violence – they do not merely evoke disquiet, as an editorial suggested – they are actually dangerous. Photo: A child wears a headband that reads, 'I am Bengali, not Bangladeshi' during a protest rally in Kolkata on July 23, 2025. Credit: PTI/Swapan Mahapatra. Very recently at Sitamarhi, home minister Amit Shah attacked the opposition for speaking against the SIR. Infiltrators must be removed from the electoral rolls and have no right to vote, but are the Rashtriya Janata Dal and the Congress opposing the SIR because these infiltrators' names are being deleted, he asked. The Election Commission removed 6.5 million names from the state's draft voter rolls. But it does not cite even one person that was removed for being an infiltrator. Infiltrators need not be real. Even without them, the fear of infiltrators can be made real. Today, every Bengali-speaking Muslim is branded an infiltrator. They are pushed across borders, detained and their homes demolished. The prime minister's words could fuel this violence – they do not merely evoke disquiet, as an editorial suggested – they are actually dangerous. The consequences are real, and they fall upon Muslims and Christians. In his speech, the PM pledged to save the nation's 'daughters' from infiltrators – a spectacle of 'love jihad' dressed in a new uniform. But it is also jaded. Many noted that fatigue had set into Modi – there was repetition, hollow rhetoric. But has anyone ever tired of hatred? One person might turn away, but for many, hatred remains fresh, alluring. That is why even though people leave the RSS, its ideology of hate and division continues to draw new followers. Hate existed within Hindu society before, but in 2014, we liberated ourselves of our inhibitions when Modi was accepted as prime minister. India began walking – no, sinking – into the mire of hate and violence. Better to say: it stepped into that morass. But perhaps even that is incorrect. Muslims, Christians, Sikhs – they refused to go to that morass. Yet, the power of the Hindu majority dragged them in. They are bearing the consequences of the decision of the majority of Hindus. They are paying the cost of majoritarian decisions. On Independence Day, the chief propagandist of this hate played his tried-and-tested record. When we hear it, do we feel disgust? Or do we wonder if there is still some authentic hate we are craving for – something more visceral, more real? Apoorvanand teaches Hindi at Delhi University. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments. Advertisement