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Political Parties Scrambling to Use Social Media Effectively After Elections Across Japan

Political Parties Scrambling to Use Social Media Effectively After Elections Across Japan

The Yomiuri Shimbun
A collage of images of politicians from their social media feeds, top, and political party members at a meeting about election campaigning
The Diet has been unable to implement effective measures to address confusion caused by social media during elections across the country. This is the first installment in a series that examines how political parties understand the situation, which may undermine the basis of democracy, and how they are dealing with the challenges.
On the morning of April 24, a study session was held in a room on the eighth floor of the Liberal Democratic Party headquarters in Tokyo. About 20 people who lost in last year's House of Representatives election gathered for the closed meeting to study ways to return to national politics.
They were stunned by what a lecturer told them, since it was largely different from traditional grassroots election campaigning that is considered the norm.
'I have never participated in Bon Festival dances or rice-cake pounding events [to collect votes]. I do not associate with industry groups either,' upper house LDP member Taro Yamada told them. 'You can get more support automatically once you are able to find supporters on social media. Then opportunities grow exponentially where your voice is heard,' Yamada said.
Yamada, who uses social media more thoroughly and effectively than anybody else in the LDP, won about 540,000 votes through social media-focused activities in the 2019 House of Councillors election.
Yamada said speech meetings and street campaigns provide good opportunities for video shooting. He said he instructs supporters on such occasions on how to record the gatherings with their smartphones in order to have the footage shared more widely on social media.
Yamada added that printed brochures are effective when promoting the big picture of the policies you advocate. 'Social media does not work effectively if you have no policies to communicate. There is no point to that,' Yamada told the meeting participants.
Ahead of the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly election in June and the upper house election in summer, all parties are scrambling to utilize social media. In the previous lower house election, such parties as the Democratic Party for the People, Reiwa Shinsengumi and Sanseito made extensive use of social media, which helped them increase their seats.
The LDP, which relies on individual supporters and industry groups to garner seats, is believed to feel threatened as it lags behind in social media use.
In April, the LDP had Ryosei Akazawa appear on the party's YouTube channel, instead of a television program, apparently in an aim to attract young voters. The minister in charge of economic revitalization was in the spotlight as he had just returned from tariff negotiations in the United States.
The LDP's coalition partner Komeito, which is struggling with the aging of members of its support body Soka Gakkai, is in a similar situation. Komeito has tried to attract attention by releasing videos with titles such as 'Disclosure of Diet members' paycheck stubs' and 'The relationship between Komeito and Soka Gakkai.' The party apparently counted on the spread of those videos.
While political parties are busily involved in the making of videos they hope will go viral, measures have not been taken to deal with false and misleading information on social media that was often seen during last year's lower house, Hyogo and Tokyo gubernatorial elections.
In January, two months after the Hyogo gubernatorial election, discussions began between the ruling and opposition parties to counter such false and misleading information. But after six meetings, as of May 27, the changes made were nothing more than the introduction of new regulations requiring election posters to maintain dignity, and an increase in compensation for campaign workers during the election period, among other things.
In February, the LDP proposed a set of items to be discussed regarding social media. They included the handling of commercial activities disguised as election campaigning and clarifying the responsibilities of companies that operate social media platforms. The LDP also called for discussions on the revision of the law concerning information distribution platforms. However, no concrete discussions have been held. Only limited consultations have been held with platform operators.
'Parties may invite criticism online if they take concrete steps toward regulation. They probably do not want to get the raw end of the deal by leading discussions and sparking an uproar online,' said a government official involved in the party talks.
All parties cite the necessity of taking freedom of expression into account as the reason for their cautious approach to taking measures against false and misleading information.
During a debate by party members regarding social media and elections on an NHK program aired on May 3, all participating lawmakers mentioned free expression more than 20 times in total. They argued that regulations on social media may lead to censorship.
But Meiji University Prof. Harumichi Yuasa questioned the claim, saying that the existing Public Offices Election Law already severely restricts freedom of expression.
As Yuasa said, Article 142 of the law specifies in detail the number of pages and size of election campaign leaflets that candidates distribute. Article 148 stipulates in a provision that media outlets must not 'undermine the fairness of elections by abusing freedom of expression by way of publishing distorted facts or false information, for instance.'
'It is not fair that social media operators are not subject to any regulations,' the expert on information law said.
It is certain that new measures against false and misleading information on social media will not be implemented by June 22, when the current Diet session ends. The possibility is high that upcoming Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly and upper house elections will face challenges regarding social media.

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The U.S. Granted These Journalists Asylum. Then It Fired Them.
The U.S. Granted These Journalists Asylum. Then It Fired Them.

Yomiuri Shimbun

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The U.S. Granted These Journalists Asylum. Then It Fired Them.

Aristide Economopoulos/For The Washington Post Leonid Martynyuk is a Russian journalist who was working for Voice of America but was recently fired in the Trump administration's cuts at the government-funded news operation. Martynyuk came to the United States in 2014 and was later granted asylum. When Leonid Martynyuk got off the train from Sochi to Krasnodar in southern Russia in the summer of 2014, a strange man bumped into him. The man started yelling, refusing to leave, egging on a fight. He claimed Martynyuk pushed him – not the other way around. Martynyuk's soon-to-be-wife, Ekaterina, motioned to police officers, pleading to intervene and defuse the hostile situation. But when the police arrived, they were only interested in interrogating Martynyuk – not the other man, who was released without questioning. 'This was when I was sure that the entire thing was an orchestrated set up to have me arrested,' Martynyuk later wrote in his application for political asylum in the United States. Martynyuk spent 10 days in prison on charges of hooliganism. His real offense, he maintains, was criticizing Russian President Vladimir Putin. His crime was journalism. Martynyuk, then in his mid-30s, spent years writing critical reports about Putin alongside his mentor, the well-known political opposition leader Boris Nemtsov, who previously served as deputy prime minister under Boris Yeltsin in the late 1990s. In one report, Nemtsov and Martynyuk detailed Putin's extensive wealth and opulence; in another, they detailed extensive corruption around the 2014 Olympics in Sochi. Martynyuk also ran a popular YouTube channel. When he was released from prison, Martynyuk's lawyer suggested that he and Ekaterina relocate to the United States for a short time, so the pair left for the New York area in October 2014. 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Hiroshima's New Method Over Peace Ceremony Attendees to Be Tested; City Hopes to Avoid Past Criticisms on 80th Anniversary
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Yomiuri Shimbun

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However, in 2022, the city decided not to invite Russia — due to its aggression against Ukraine — and Belarus, which supports Russia. Hiroshima sought the Foreign Ministry's opinion and was told that '[inviting Russia and Belarus] is inappropriate as it could lead to misunderstandings about Japan's stance,' according to documents obtained by The Yomiuri Shimbun through a public records request to the city. As the ministry's position was unchanged in 2023 and 2024, and the city did not invite the two nations for three consecutive years. Last year's ceremony drew criticism, as the city invited Israel, which has been attacking Gaza since October 2023. Unlike Russia, whose diplomats in Japan were asked to leave by the Japanese government, Israeli diplomats remain in Japan. A city official claimed that the city's policy 'made sense' under the circumstances, but residents criticized the move as being a double standard. The backlash prompted Hiroshima to make the change. 'We must avoid what happened last year on the 80th anniversary,' a city official said. 'We chose the best possible way.' Each country's decision Given that it will be up to each country on whether to attend, ambassadors from warring areas may gather for the ceremony. At the April press conference, Matsui said the letter did 'not focus on whether they were warring parties but on how to convey our message.' At last year's Nagasaki Peace Memorial Ceremony on Aug. 9, ambassadors from the Group of Seven countries, except Japan, and others boycotted the ceremony to protest against Israel's exclusion from the invitation list. Some twists and turns may be expected depending on which countries decide to attend the ceremony this year. 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