logo
Spain's olive oil traders doubt Trump tariffs will stop Americans guzzling their liquid gold

Spain's olive oil traders doubt Trump tariffs will stop Americans guzzling their liquid gold

Euractiva day ago
'The US is not going to promote American olive oil because it barely has any', said Rafael Pico Acevedo Euractiv is part of the Trust Project Maria Simon Arboleas Euractiv Aug 12, 2025 06:00 3 min. read News
Based on facts, either observed and verified directly by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources.
Spanish olive oil traders don't like Donald Trump's tariffs, but they still take comfort knowing their biggest competitors have been hit just as hard, or even harder.
As of last Thursday, EU agri-food exports to the US are subject to a 15% blanket tariff under the controversial 'biggest trade deal ever' agreed between Brussels and Washington. Among those products subject to fresh levies are EU olive oil exports, of which the US absorbs around a third.
For Spain, which makes up 70% of the EU's production, what's at stake is their biggest export to America.
As trade tensions simmer again, the country's traders in what's sometimes called liquid gold are looking on the bright side. 'There are other countries with worse luck than us,' said Rafael Pico Acevedo, deputy director at ASOLIVA, which represents Spanish olive oil producers and exporters.
During a previous trade row between Brussels and Washington in 2019, Spanish producers were put at a disadvantage compared to their neighbours, with Italy temporarily re-gaining the top spot as the leading EU exporter to the US.
This time around, Spain's other EU competitors in the market – mainly Italy and Greece – face the same 15% blanket tariff, while Tunisia, the bloc's main external rival in the olive oil market, is grappling with a 25% US tariff.
Meanwhile, Turkey, another key producer, has also been hit with a 15%.
Others have fared better, but have less market power. 'We just have a 5% difference [in tariffs of] the most favoured countries, which are not the leaders,' Pico told Euractiv, pointing to Morocco, Australia, Argentina and Chile.
Still, Pico insisted that it is very difficult to make predictions and warns that the rules of the game when it comes to olive oil have changed. '[Countries] can now position themselves ahead of us due to political decisions,' he said. Pico slammed Trump's reasoning for the ramped up tariffs. For him, trade barriers will not support the US olive oil industry, as Trump promised, but mostly just raise prices at the checkout.
'The US is not going to promote American olive oil because it barely has any', he said, adding that the country only covers 2% of its demand.
Pico warned that, confronted with higher prices, US consumers might switch from olive oil to cheaper alternatives, such as palm oil, to season their dishes. But he remains confident in olive oil's appeal across the Atlantic.
'When we've had price hikes almost twice as hard, the US market has resisted – even better than the Spanish,' he said, referring to last year's historic jumps in the price of olive oil.
As Spanish consumers make headlines for swapping their beloved olive oil for the less glamorous sunflower oil, US consumption stayed steadier.
'The US consumer has shown a lot of olive oil culture,' said Pico. After the massive price highs in the two previous seasons, caused by historically low production, olive oil prices stabilised this year.
Things also look promising for the harvest starting in October, perhaps even too bountiful.
With forecasts pointing to a record season after heavy rainfalls in March and April, the Spanish government began preparing measures to tackle a potential surplus and prevent prices from plummeting.
However, a recent drought and soaring temperatures has dampened expectations.
'It looked like the harvest of the century, we were expecting 2 million tonnes (...) but that is fading away,' said Pico.
(jp)
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Merz's first 100 days by the numbers
Merz's first 100 days by the numbers

Euractiv

time4 hours ago

  • Euractiv

Merz's first 100 days by the numbers

Spoiler: If Merz's first 100 days are any indication, prepare for the worst Euractiv is part of the Trust Project Nick Alipour Euractiv Aug 13, 2025 06:00 6 min. read Analysis Based on factual reporting, although it Incorporates the expertise of the author/producer and may offer interpretations and conclusions. BERLIN – By the yardstick of recent history, Friedrich Merz's first 100 days in office have been a cake walk. His predecessor, Olaf Scholz, faced Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine just 78 days into his term. Angela Merkel, who had four separate 100-day starts during her 16-year tenure, had to cope with everything from the Greek debt crisis to Russia's annexation of Crimea to Donald Trump. That isn't to say Merz's challenges have been trivial since he was sworn in on 6 May. The threat from Moscow continues to loom large, as does economic malaise, the continued influx of asylum seekers, not to mention Israel's war in Gaza. The new chancellor approached those challenges with grand pronouncements, rolling out not a 100-day programme, but an 'immediate action plan', promising that by mid-year, it would be "clear to everyone that Germany is moving forward." As Merz reaches both the middle of the year and the 100-day mark on Wednesday, here are the numbers that indicate whether he is delivering on his grand mission. The angry 18 Merz vowed to end the infighting that plagued the previous three-party 'traffic light' coalition. But his coalition, consisting of his Christian Democrats and the Social Democrats (SPD), has one of the slimmest majorities in post-war history, leaving it vulnerable to rebellions. It took Merz an unprecedented second attempt just to get elected by the parliament, as he received 18 fewer votes than his majority in the first ballot, leaving him six MPs short overall. The secret vote left the rebels' motivation in the dark, but it's no secret that Merz's polarising style and poor management have made him many enemies among his own ranks. He failed to get frugal Christian Democrats onboard with his sudden decision to ditch Germany's strict debt rules, a fundamental departure from conservative orthodoxy. Left-leaning SPD lawmakers are wary of his hardcore conservatism. Merz has not helped his reputation in office. He stumbled into a historic U-turn on Germany's stance on the Israeli military operation in the Gaza Strip, imposing the first ever country-level sanctions on Israel since the 7 October massacre – without consulting the cabinet or his own outraged MPs, which is bound to profoundly damage his internal standing. He also failed to diffuse a conservative rebellion that thwarted the election of a liberal judge to Germany's top court, leaving the SPD angry. Given this erratic leadership style, coalition drama is here to stay. The trillion-dollar man Merz's most dramatic measure came before he even set foot in the chancellery, when he ended the fiscal orthodoxy that had shaped German policy since the 2008 financial crisis. Germany's constitutional borrowing limit, the debt brake, had severely constricted the fiscal leeway of the previous government, effectively bringing it down. Merz's future coalition, instead, carved out a reform that exempts defence spending above 1% of GDP from the debt brake, and also set up a €500 billion infrastructure fund outside the regular budget. The result: Germany is on track to rack up a record €850 billion – or $1 trillion – in debt during Merz's term, according to the government's budget drafts – a third more than over the five years before. Between 2014 and 2020, Germany took on no new debt at all. Much of the debt will go towards plans to hit NATO's new 3.5% defence spending target six years ahead of the 2035 deadline – a notable turnaround for a country reluctant to rearm and struggling to reach the old 2% target. Though the jury is still out on the economic impact of these moves, there are some early signs of optimism. Business confidence picked up moderately since Merz's election, confirming an upward trend. Modest growth is forecast for 2025–26 after two years of recession. Yet Donald Trump's tariffs on EU imports, especially on cars, now threaten Germany's export-led economy, with experts warning that Merz's spending spree lacks structural reforms. Nine, not nein When it comes to travel, Merz outperformed all his predecessors, as he became the first post-war chancellor to drop by nine European capitals in his first month and to visit Poland on his first full day in office. It underlines the former EU lawmaker's personal ambition to restore German leadership in Europe. He has generally lived up to this goal: When ever Europe needs to coo rdi n ate, the chancellor is ready to convene and guide his peers. That isn't always to Brussels' benefit, however, as Merz prefers small-circle leadership – usually with Britain, France, and sometimes Poland – instead of working with the EU institutions. Good intentions also don't necessarily equal delivery: Merz's bromance with French President Emmanuel Macron and his marriage of convenience with Commission President Ursula von der Leyen are already hitting policy roadblocks. 475 Auf Wiedersehens Merz's promised Migrationswende look more like window dressing. He had vowed to effectively close the border to all refugees after a string of violent attacks – some linked to rejected asylum seekers – during the election campaign. The measure took effect on his first full day in office without making a detectable difference so far. Merz's government is pulling out all the stops, however, to accelerate the drop in irregular migration instigated by the previous government. Diplomatic accord The German press has dubbed Merz the Außenkanzler, a mix of foreign minister and federal chancellor, for his prolific diplomacy. Merz's smart way of handling Trump is reportedly partly to credit for the US president's decision to let Europeans buy new weapons for Ukraine, though Merz failed to keep his key promise of delivering Taurus cruise missiles to Kyiv. His aforementioned decision to limit weapons exports to Israel marked another dramatic shift from an earlier position but aligns him with public opinion: 73% back at least some limits. Making Scholz look popular Merz's biggest deficit hasn't changed during his first 100 days, however: Many Germans simply don't like him. Dissatisfaction with Merz is higher now than with Scholz after his first 100 – 65% versus 40%, according to the latest Deutschlandtrend poll. A key problem is Merz's many U-turns, most notably his reform of the debt brake, which conservative critics see as a broken promise. His erratic coalition management has fed into pre-existing doubts over his leadership qualities . The long and short (mm)

Why the EU needs to go hard on quantum computing software
Why the EU needs to go hard on quantum computing software

Euractiv

time4 hours ago

  • Euractiv

Why the EU needs to go hard on quantum computing software

The Allied cracking of Germany's Enigma machine reshaped the course of World War II. Now, Europe is racing to harness a far more powerful code-breaking tool — the quantum computer, but it's running short on the software needed to do it. In the near future, the quantum computer holds the power to impact sectors from defence, to health care, chemicals and more with hardware already more and more accessible. But cracking the physical infrastructure is one thing. Cracking on with the software is another entirely. Experts, investors, and policymakers are increasingly paying attention to the code locked inside quantum computers – technology that could one day break cryptographic algorithms rapidly and upend the world's digital systems as we know them. Though an array of developers across Europe work on hardware, the EU needs to shift focus to software development, says quantum engineer and researcher Olivier Ezratty. "If Europe overlooks the strategic importance of quantum software development, it risks falling behind in the global race," he said, adding that the European Commission's current quantum strategy is focusing too heavily on hardware. What is quantum, and why should we be good at it? While classic computers use millions of electrons to process information as binary bits – either 0 or 1 – quantum computers use single particles like atoms or photons as quantum bits, or so-called qubits, which can exist in multiple states at once. This may sound abstract, but is a fundamental difference. In practice, it means quantum computers can solve some problems far more efficiently than conventional computers – some requests that might take a conventional computer years could be solved within minutes or hours with a quantum computer. Across the EU, multiple companies are developing hardware at every level of the tech stack: Germany's Toptica provides cutting-edge photonic lasers , while Finland's Bluefors is a leading supplier of dilution refrigerators – essential for cooling quantum systems close to absolute zero, a critical requirement for quantum computing. Denmark's Sparrow Quantum produces photonic chips , and French startup Alice & Bob has demonstrated its ability to develop error-resistant quantum computing. In addition to that, Finland's IQM is famous for its pioneering of quantum computers. French cloud providers OVHcloud and Scaleway have linked several quantum startups emulators to their platforms, which allows users to develop quantum software at a much lower price point. The cloud operators are expected to offer access to real quantum computers soon. But for Ezratty, these private initiatives are not enough to spur European quantum development and make it competitive globally. In short: European companies are developing all you need for your quantum hardware – from chips to cables to cloud access – but the crucially needed software development that is a must to get a quantum computer off the ground is falling short. Across the pond, US tech giant IBM offers an open source software kit, Qiskit, designed to help developers learn quantum programming. Through this, IBM is not only building a talent pool familiar with their tools but fostering early ecosystem integration. Others such as QC Ware (US), Riverlane (UK), Classiq (Israel), and Horizon Quantum (Singapore) are developing their own software tools, too. For now, Europeans have done a good job in financing quantum startups. However, this trajectory might eventually come to an end, especially when one looks at funding beyond Europe's borders. For now, the majority of the bloc's quantum tech investments come from public funds, 51% to be exact, according to a 2024 McKinsey study. In comparison to just 2% in the US and 10% in the UK. In addition to that, unlocking private investment proves historically difficult for companies in the EU: Between 2001 and 2023, the UK attracted 1.36x more private funding into quantum tech than the EU as a whole, for example. The European Commission has acknowledged a financing gap, too. "[P]rivate investment is becoming the key differentiator between success and failure," the Commission's quantum strategy, published last month, reads. Some EU quantum startups managed to raise significant amounts, though. IQM has pulled in a total of €200 million, Pasqal and Alice & Bob have raised €140 million and €130 million respectively. But looking at funding rounds across the Atlantic, the European rounds are dwarfed in comparison. US-based QuEra closed a $230 million funding round in February, for example, while Maryland, US-based IonQ pulled in $360 million. "For companies that are now at the growth stage, the EU lacks specialised venture capital funds that can act as lead investors in later stages funding rounds," Olivier Tonneau, founder of Quantonation, a French early stage quantum investment fund, told Euractiv. Ideas to scale up investment include getting the EU to ease rules for banks, insurers, and pension funds to unlock more quantum scale-up financing – something the Commission has been indirectly considering after prompting from lobbyists (nl, jp, vib)

Our climate hopes hinge on ETS 2; attack it at our peril
Our climate hopes hinge on ETS 2; attack it at our peril

Euractiv

time4 hours ago

  • Euractiv

Our climate hopes hinge on ETS 2; attack it at our peril

Bernd Weber is founder and CEO of the Brussels- and Berlin-based Think Tank EPICO and Adjunct Professor at the College of Europe in Natolin. With the EU's 2040 climate target now on the table, policymakers face a fundamental question: Can Europe deliver on its ambition? The answer does not lie in adjusting a few percentage points of a CO₂ reduction target, but in preserving the core instrument that drives emissions cuts – the new Emissions Trading System for buildings and transport, ETS 2, which covers sectors responsible for more than 40% of EU emissions. Carbon pricing is indispensable for reaching Europe's climate goals. It aligns decarbonisation with innovation, cost efficiency, and investment certainty – without adding bureaucratic complexity. This approach has already proven effective under ETS 1: while heavily subsidised and fragmented policies in buildings and transport have reduced emissions by only 17.6% since 2005, ETS 1 sectors have cut nearly 50%. Europe cannot afford to abandon this market-based logic in its climate policy; it must expand it to all sectors. But before it even begins, ETS 2 is under attack. Though agreed by co-legislators and slated to launch in 2027, a group of 18 member states is now calling for softer implementation, including major changes to the Market Stability Reserve (MSR). Some, like the Czech Republic and Estonia, are demanding a delay or even an opt-out. Poland has gone further, questioning ETS 2 entirely – and with it, the entire European Green Deal. Let's be clear: weakening ETS 2 would be a political mistake and a strategic failure. There is no credible Plan B. The integration of ETS 2, alongside the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), would strengthen European leadership in climate action, technology, and innovation and help spur the adoption of carbon pricing worldwide . Cancelling or postponing ETS2 due to political pressure would set a dangerous precedent. It would open the floodgates to weaken also ETS 1, undermine investor confidence, and damage the credibility of EU climate policy at home and abroad. It would cast doubt on ongoing investment and innovation waves across sectors. That's why we must defend ETS 2 and ensure it is ready for implementation across all member states. Resistance to ETS 2 is driven by understandable fears about social equity and price spikes. Households – especially those with low to middle incomes and in rural areas – may face higher heating and mobility costs without already accessible green alternatives. But the right response is not delay – it is pragmatic delivery. And that means unlocking early support where it's needed most. The EU can frontload a share of ETS2's expected revenues. Member states could advance up to €50 billion in future auction proceeds from 2033 to 2035 to fund clean mobility, energy-efficient buildings, and direct support for vulnerable households – starting immediately. In addition, a targeted MSR reform, extending its operation beyond 2030, can help maintain price stability, which is critical to sustaining climate ambition, protecting investor trust, and avoiding politically motivated interventions. This strategy enables a 'soft landing' for ETS 2 by combining the efficiency of carbon pricing with timely social support, and accelerating the deployment of infrastructure and technologies. It avoids steep price shocks in the short to medium term without distorting market signals. Now, as most member states have missed the deadline to submit their Social Climate Plans, it is increasingly clear that the problem is not ETS 2, it's a lack of preparation. Delaying action will not make decarbonisation fairer or more affordable. It will only raise the long-term cost for citizens and further erode the EU's climate, economic, and social credibility. If we are serious about our climate targets, it is high time to defend Europe's market-based climate policy – not to undermine it.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store