Use public funds prudently, says Lok Sabha speaker
Birla highlighted that seamless coordination among various arms of govt is crucial for efficient policy implementation and citizen-centric administration. Emphasising transparency and fiscal responsibility, Birla called for robust mechanisms to ensure prudent use of public funds. He advocated for the integration of advanced digital technologies to improve administrative efficiency, promote real-time public service delivery, and uphold the values of good governance in the digital age.
Stating that the Estimates Committees of Parliament and State Legislatures are the backbone of transparency and accountability in governance, governor C P Radhakrishnan hailed the committees for strengthening democracy in the country in his valedictory address. Noting that over 55% of revenue receipts of states are spent on committed expenditures such as salaries, pensions, and interest payments, Radhakrishnan expressed the hope that the estimates committees will look beyond traditional methods in promoting fiscal prudence and effective governance.
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In this connection, Radhakrishnan said the committees should adopt advanced tools such as data analytics, dashboards, and AI-powered audit platforms to ensure real-time monitoring of budget performance and public service delivery.
Radhakrishnan highlighted Maharashtra's contribution to India's democratic fabric. He was all praise for the positive and constructive relationship between the treasury benches and the opposition in Maharashtra and said such healthy democratic practices are worthy of emulation by other states.
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The conference, which marks 75 years of the estimates committee's journey, brought together key stakeholders to discuss ways to strengthen institutional mechanisms of financial oversight and improve administrative efficiency in the world's largest democracy. The theme of the conference was 'Role of Estimates Committee in Effective Monitoring and Review of Budget Estimates for Ensuring Efficiency and Economy in Administration'.
Mentioning that estimates committees must ensure that every rupee spent is for people's welfare, Birla emphasised that fiscal resources of the country must be utilised efficiently and responsibly. He reiterated that the role of estimates committees is not just to monitor expenditure but to ensure that welfare schemes are relevant, accessible, and effective for the common citizen, with a special emphasis on social justice and welfare.
Birla stated that technology-driven governance, such as direct benefit transfers, has reduced pilferage and ensured that benefits reach the intended recipients — a goal that estimates committees must continue to support.
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Time of India
28 minutes ago
- Time of India
Partition Horrors Remembrance Day: The Forgotten Betrayal
1 2 3 4 5 6 Dharampal Singh As India observes Partition Horrors Remembrance Day on Aug 14, the nation must confront an uncomfortable truth long buried beneath conventional narratives of Hindu-Muslim discord: the systematic betrayal and persecution of India's Scheduled Castes during the traumatic division of 1947. This overlooked tragedy offers profound lessons for contemporary politics, particularly regarding the dangerous revival of the 'Jal Meem Jai Bheem' formula, a slogan that embodies the very alliance politics that led to catastrophic suffering for Dalits nearly eight decades ago. The architect of history's first systematic Dalit-Muslim political alliance was Jogendra Nath Mandal, who became Pakistan's first law and labour minister. A prominent advocate for SCs, Mandal made what would prove to be a catastrophic miscalculation: believing that Muslims and Dalits, both perceived as oppressed minorities, could forge a natural partnership against Hindu social dominance. This ideological foundation that shared minority status automatically translates into mutual solidarity forms the conceptual bedrock of today's "Jai Meem Jai Bheem" movement. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Access all TV channels anywhere, anytime Techno Mag Learn More Undo During the tumultuous partition period, Mandal emerged as a key Muslim League leader, instructing his SC followers to vote for Pakistan's creation. When communal violence erupted across Bengal, Mandal toured extensively, urging Dalits to refrain from retaliating against Muslims, arguing that both communities were equally victimized by oppression. His rhetoric of unity and brotherhood convinced hundreds of thousands of Dalit Hindus to remain in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), trusting in the Muslim League's promises of equality and protection. The Muslim League's courting of Dalit support was strategically calculated. Recognizing that SC comprised significant voting blocs in Bengal and other regions, Muslim leaders crafted elaborate promises of social equality, economic opportunity, and political representation. They painted Pakistan as a progressive state where caste hierarchies would dissolve and merit would triumph over birth-based discrimination. These assurances proved to be sophisticated political deceptions designed exclusively for electoral gain. THE BRUTAL REALITY OF BETRAYAL The promised land of equality swiftly transformed into a nightmare of persecution. By 1950, Mandal found himself compelled to resign from his ministerial position and flee to India. His resignation letter to PM Liaquat Ali Khan, dated October 8, 1950, documents horrors that constitute one of the 20th century's most underreported genocides. The systematic nature of the atrocities was particularly chilling. In Sylhet district alone, Mandal reported that of 350 Dalilt settlements, merely three survived intact, the remainder had been reduced to ash. Armed police and military personnel perpetrated brutalities against Hindus, particularly Scheduled Castes. Men faced forture, women endured mass rape, homes were plundered, and hundreds of temples and gurdwaras were desecrated before being converted into slaughterhouses, meat shops, and hotels serving non-vegetarian food a calculated assault on Hindu religious sensibilities. Specific incidents revealed the organized nature of persecution: in Gopalganj's Digharkul, armed police destroyed an entire Namasudra village on fabricated charges, in Parisal's Gournadi, Scheduled Caste settlements faced assault under political pretexts, during Dhaka riots, jewellery shops were looted and burned while police officials watched passively. The violence wasn't spontaneous communal frenzy but systematic ethnic cleansing targeting those who had trusted Muslim League assurances Mandal's documentation reveals the psychological torture accompanying physical violence. Dalits who had supported Pakistan's creation found themselves branded as traitors by fellow Hindus while simultaneously facing persecution as "kafirs" "jimmi" by Muslims. This double alienation created profound identity crises within communities that had genuinely believed in secular, inclusive Pakistani nationalism. Between 1947 and 1950, approximately 2.5 million refugees fled East Pakistan for India, with Scheduled Castes comprising a disproportionate majority. These statistics represent more than mere displacement; they constitute evidence that the Muslim League's pledges of security and equality for Scheduled Castes were calculated deceptions designed solely to secure electoral support before partition. AMBEDKAR'S PRESCIENT WARNINGS BR Ambedkar had anticipated this catastrophe. In seminal works including 'Pakistan or the Partition of India' and 'Thoughts on Pakistan', he warned that Muslim politics was fundamentally communal in character, willing to accommodate Scheduled Castes only as long as they provided political advantage. Ambedkar's analysis proved tragically prescient, aligning perfectly with Mandal's eventual experiences. Ambedkar understood what Mandal fatally overlooked: the religious and cultural values of Dalit and Muslim communities were so fundamentally divergent that genuine equality and coexistence represented nothing more than dangerous political illusion. He cautioned Hindu Dalits that regardless of how extensively Muslim leadership performed brotherhood theatrics, they would ultimately treat Dalits as "kafirs" or "jimmi" (infidels) deserving no consideration in an Islamic political framework. The constitution architect's warnings extended beyond religious incompatibility to structural political analysis. Ambedkar recognized that Muslim communalism, disguised as minority solidarity, would inevitably prioritize religious identity over social justice concerns central to Dalit aspirations. CONTEMPORARY ECHOES OF HISTORICAL FOLLY Today's resurrection of this failed formula demands urgent scrutiny. The "Jal Meem Jai Bhim" slogan, combining Muslim solidarity ("Meem" referencing the Urdu letter) with Dalit empowerment ("Bheem honoring Dr. Ambedkar"), represents the precise ideological framework that Mandal employed during Partition. Though this exact phraseology wasn't popular then, its conceptual foundation permeated the Muslim League-Mandal alliance, the belief that Muslims and Scheduled Castes, both minorities, could become natural collaborators. Unfortunately, contemporary Indian politics witnesses several parties attempting to revive this demonstrably failed strategy. Maharashtra sees growing proximity between Asaduddin Owaisi and Prakash Ambedkar, Uttar Pradesh experienced the Bahujan Samaj Party's unsuccessful attempts at forging alliances between Scheduled Castes and Muslims, the Samajwadi Party's PDA (Pichda-Dalit-Alpsankhyak) formula seeks to harness both communities merely as vote banks. Recent electoral evidence reinforces historical patterns. The 2019 BSP-SP alliance in Uttar Pradesh collapsed primarily due to asymmetrical vote transfers while Dalit voters supported Muslim candidates, reciprocal support proved largely illusory. Similarly, the Owaisi-Prakash Ambedkar partnership in Maharashtra fractured over seat-sharing disputes, revealing the same power dynamics that characterized Muslim League treatment of Mandal. These examples echo historical mistakes, demonstrating that when politics abandons public welfare for narrow caste and communal calculations, the inevitable result is betrayal and social disintegration STRUCTURAL INCOMPABILITIES PERSIST The fundamental contradictions that destroyed Mandal's experiment remain unresolved. Power dynamics in every attempted alliance consistently favour Muslim parties, reducing Dalit partners to subordinate positions. Vote transfer patterns reveal systematic asymmetry: while Dalit voters may support Muslim candidates, reciprocal support rarely materializes. Religious identity-based Muslim political consciousness conflicts with caste-focused Dalit aspirations for social justice within Hindu civilizational frameworks. Moreover, ideological contradictions create insurmountable barriers. Muslim parties' emphasis on religious orthodoxy clashes with Dalit movements' goals of social reform, gender equality, and educational modernization. These philosophical differences, rooted in fundamentally different worldviews about individual rights, social progress, and cultural values, make genuine partnership impossible. THE PATH FORWARD Contemporary India must acknowledge that sustainable Dalit progress and security will emerge through self-reliance, education, political awareness, and organizational power not through alliances that history has repeatedly proven catastrophic The "Jal Meem Jal Bheem" concept and its practical applications have historically manifested as Scheduled Caste humiliation, identity destruction, and existential annihilation. Therefore, as we commemorate Partition's suffering, let us resolve to make decisions based on historical facts and collective experiences, remaining free from emotional sloganeering and vote bank-driven narrow politics. Jogendra Nath Mandal's experiences and Dr. Ambedkar's warnings teach us that Scheduled Castes will never achieve security, social justice, and dignity from hands that have historically deceived them through religious fanaticism, appeasement, and vote bank politics. This represents not merely historical interpretation but guidance for present and future generations. Those who ignore history's lessons are condemned to repeat its most tragic chapters. (Writer is UP BJP's General secretary, Organization) Stay updated with the latest local news from your city on Times of India (TOI). Check upcoming bank holidays , public holidays , and current gold rates and silver prices in your area.
Time of India
29 minutes ago
- Time of India
82.5% rise in Bengal firms since 2011: Union govt data
1 2 Kolkata: The number of companies registered in Bengal has gone up 82.5% between 2011 and 2025, according to data from the Union ministry of corporate affairs. In 2011, there were 1,37,156 companies registered in the state. On March 31 this year, number of companies registered in the state stood at 2,50,343. The numbers were part of a reply by Harsh Malhotra, minister of state in the corporate affairs ministry, in response to a question by Trinamool's Mathurapur MP Bapi Haldar. According to the reply, companies with registered offices in Bengal in 2010 stood at 1,21,496. This rose to 1,37,156 the next year. Between 2019, when this number was 2,00,626, and 2020 (the Covid year), the number rose to 2,06,305. As of 31 March 2021, despite Covid constraints, it stood at 2,13,504. By 2022, this number climbed to 2,21,873, and then to 2,50,343 in 2025. The minister shared in an annexure that in 2020-21, 7,197 companies were incorporated in Bengal while 306 left. In 2021-22, 8,365 companies were incorporated and 273 left. In 2022-23, the numbers stood at 7,978 and 270, respectively, and the comparative figures in 2023-24 stood at 8,683 and 371. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Learn More - How Donating Sperm May Boost Your Income SpellRock Undo In 2024-2025, this stood at 8,353 and 366, and this year, till 31 July, 3,464 companies were incorporated and 156 left Bengal. You Can Also Check: Kolkata AQI | Weather in Kolkata | Bank Holidays in Kolkata | Public Holidays in Kolkata | Gold Rates Today in Kolkata | Silver Rates Today in Kolkata These numbers go against the narrative of industrial flight from Bengal. State industry minister Shashi Panja, in a statement on X, said, "A bitter pill for BJP to swallow! For years, they've run a one-sided smear campaign painting Bengal as 'industry-averse.' But now, data from their own ministry blows their lies to pieces." "In the last six years (up to 31 July 2025), 44,040 companies were incorporated in Bengal, while only 1,742 companies shifted their registered offices out of the state. Under CM Mamata Banerjee, Bengal has witnessed a wave of development the BJP can't match. So, they resort to peddling lies, half-truths, and propaganda to hide their own miserable record," it added. BJP's Amit Malviya, citing the numbers, on X wrote: "Registering an office is not the same as running a thriving industry. The real story is written in boarded-up factories, fleeing companies, collapsing investor confidence, and Bengal's plunge from industrial pride to economic cautionary tale under Mamata Banerjee." 'In last six years (up to 31 July 2025), 44,040 companies were incorporated in Bengal, while only 1,742 companies shifted their registered offices out of the state,' said Shashi Panja Stay updated with the latest local news from your city on Times of India (TOI). Check upcoming bank holidays , public holidays , and current gold rates and silver prices in your area.
Time of India
29 minutes ago
- Time of India
‘Bid to take over registrar's room' at Gurukul Kangri foiled by striking employees
Haridwar: The administrative tussle at Gurukul Kangri (deemed-to-be) University in Haridwar intensified on Wednesday, with vice-chancellor (VC) Hemalatha K alleging that registrar Sunil Kumar tried to forcibly occupy the registrar's room "with the help of over 50 hooligans". Employees of the university, on strike since July over the adoption of the 2019 UGC (Institutions Deemed to be Universities) regulations instead of the 2023 regulations, allegedly foiled the attempt, forcing Kumar to return to his makeshift office. Kumar had been removed by Hemalatha but was reinstated by chancellor S K Arya. The chancellor also removed Hemalatha and appointed Prabhat Kumar as VC, a move she refused to recognise, claiming her own appointment was made by the education ministry under UGC norms based on seniority. Before her removal, Hemalatha had appointed Vipul Sharma as registrar. Hemalatha has approached the Uttarakhand high court (HC) against her removal, alleging Prabhat captured the VC's office on July 7 with the help of the district administration. She also claims Arya's appointment as chancellor was illegal. Following Wednesday's incident, employees wrote to the district magistrate, demanding measures to prevent further attempts to "seize control of the university by force". by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like New Container Houses Indonesia (Prices May Surprise You) Container House | Search Ads Search Now Undo They pointed out that such a takeover had succeeded on July 7 and noted that the high court had asked the district administration to name officials who allegedly helped Prabhat in that incident. Earlier last week, the high court observed that a March 3 letter signed by an under secretary granting the Punjab, Haryana, and Delhi units of Arya Pratinidhi Sabha (APS), the varsity's governing body, exemption from the 2023 UGC regulations may not be acceptable to the court. The exemption allowed APS to retain appointment powers curtailed by the 2023 regulations, and in May, the court had cited the letter while allowing APS to appoint the university's chancellor and vice-chancellor. The case was filed by university employees against APS. The court's query to Gaurav Bhandari, the CGSC, drew what it termed an unconvincing reply in his counter affidavit. After reviewing it, the court asked him to specify the paragraphs containing the answer. On his response, the bench remarked: "A plain reading of the paragraphs nowhere states or reveals which provision of the UGC Act, 1956, vests competency in the under secretary to pass such an order or authorise such takeover of a university. " It added, "It is apparent that this respondent is deliberately evading an answer to the query which, in our prima facie opinion, goes to the very root of the matter. At this stage, we have no other option but to infer that the under secretary has acted without authority." If the court rules in favour of the teachers and employees, the letter granting the APS exemption will be cancelled and the university will be required to enforce the 2023 UGC regulations. "This has been our demand since the start," said the employees' leaders. Stay updated with the latest local news from your city on Times of India (TOI). Check upcoming bank holidays , public holidays , and current gold rates and silver prices in your area.
